surprising outcome, I argue that efficiency is not absolute, but rather context-specific and socially constructed. What appeared from the American business perspective as a rather inefficient German retail market was in fact quite efficient from the viewpoint
Culture, Institutions, and the Limits of Globalization
Postmodernism and Myths about Great Artists
, meanwhile realistic period detail (e.g., simply drawn costumes and backdrops) suggested fidelity to historical fact. Uncle Paul's realism authenticates the great artist myth as an immutable absolute. For example, his account of Michelangelo ends thus: ‘Si on
Graphic Adaptation in Germany in the Context of High and Popular Culture
(Hamburg: Carlsen, 2010), 33. 41 Goethe’s Faust can be divided into two parts with different themes: the first part of the play, focused on by Nordmann’s adaptation, deals with Faust’s fruitless striving for absolute knowledge. It is often referred to as
requirement, according to Beaty, ‘is self-evidently inadequate in terms of a formal definition as it substitutes a common element of the form developed to address marketing concerns for an absolute rule’. 24 While true, there might be a sense in which a comic
brilliant colours lying in wait; a blank page, paper, a picture of blankness, an absolute transparency, an oddly specific property of DC Comics demarcated by a frame, and a flash of light, which Dr Manhattan reminds us is time made into space. The black
Sublimations of Monarchy in Georgian Satirical Prints
-eighteenth-century scholar Sir William Blackstone: The law ascribes to … [the king], in his political capacity, an absolute immortality. The king never dies. Henry, Edward, or George may die; but the king survives them all. … In consequence of the disunion of the king
The European Adventurer Meets the Colonial Other
't matter which side you are, if you are poor you are on your own’ (68). However, the colonialist gaze is still present in Pratt's work. For Corto, Africa represents the absolute Other, and Africans have practices that Corto considers barbaric, such as
The Benefits and Burdens of History
Marx called France the political nation par excellence, as contrasted to economic England and philosophical Germany. But Marx arrived at his mature theory only after a stern critique of a “merely political” view of revolution. And some of his most important insights are developed in analyses of the failures of revolution in France. While Marx’s observation is insightful, the theoretical conclusions he drew from it are problematic. The monarchy in France was not absolute because it was all-powerful or arbitrary; its power came from the means by which it dominated all spheres of life, transforming an administrative and territorial entity into a political nation. In the wake of the Revolution, the republican tradition became equally absolute; it came to define what the French mean by the political (a concept whose use differs from what “Anglo-Saxons” define as politics).
That old cliche Wechselbad der Emotionen aptly describes how Christian Democrats have felt since Germany’s September 1998 federal election. First came a crushing defeat, their worst showing in decades, and the end of sixteen years in power under Helmut Kohl, “chancellor of unity.” Two of Kohl’s proteges, newly chosen federal party and Bundestag caucus chair, Wolfgang Schäuble, and his handpicked general secretary, Angela Merkel, then helped the CDU to an unexpectedly rapid recovery: during 1999, the party gained ground in every Land-level election and an absolute majority of the vote in several contests. But even before their champagne went flat, party leaders found themselves mired in postwar Germany’s worst political finance scandal, triggered by revelations about Kohl’s penchant for long sustaining a personal slush-fund with large, unreported private contributions, and even by charges of bribery.
In 2008 the first state-level CDU-Green coalition was formed in Hamburg. Drawing on the literature on party goals (vote-, office-, policy, internal cohesion- and democracy-seeking), this article examines the GAL's decisions to join and to end the coalition. It examines the trade-offs between party goals as they evolved in different phases of “schwarz-grün,” with particular reference to the Greens' education reform agenda. While policy- and vote-seeking complemented each other during the election campaign, vote-, office- and party unity-seeking conflicted with each other in the Greens' decision to enter a coalition with the CDU. Later, policy- and democracy-seeking conflicted with each other when a referendum organized by a citizens' initiative defeated the Greens' education reform, a defeat that contributed significantly to the premature end of the CDU-Green coalition. New elections led to defeats for vote-, office-, and policy-seeking when the SPD achieved an absolute majority.