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Objects of Dispute

Planning, Discourse, and State Power in Post-War France

Edward Welch

planning signaled not just the ambition and scope of Delouvrier’s project, but also the political patronage behind it, with Charles de Gaulle cast as his Louis Napoléon. 3 The scheme was implemented over the next two decades. Construction of Cergy

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A Bridge Across the Mediterranean

Nafissa Sid Cara and the Politics of Emancipation during the Algerian War

Elise Franklin

, 23 September 1958, Ivry-sur-Seine, ECPAD. © Zygmond MICHALOWSKI/SCA/ECPAD/Défense – Réf. : ALG 58-466 R11 Integration took on an explicitly gendered dimension as part of the war effort. In June 1958, General Salan instructed General Charles de Gaulle

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James R. Lehning The Pride of Place: Local Memories and Political Culture in Nineteenth-Century France by Stéphane Gerson

Alain Chatriot Le Patricien et le Général: Jean-Marcel Jeanneney et Charles de Gaulle 1958-1969 by Eric Kocher-Marboeuf

Andrés Reggiani Bringing the Empire Back Home: France in the Global Age by Herman Lebovics 146

Michael S. Lewis-Beck Parties and the Party System in France: A Disconnected Democracy? by Andrew Knapp

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L'histoire et la Politique hors-la-loi?

Réflexions autour d'un film sur des indépendantistes algériens

Nedjib Sidi Moussa

J’ai fait partie de ceux qui attendaient avec une réelle impatience la sortie du dernier film de Rachid Bouchareb. Je n’avais pourtant guère apprécié le message et l’esthétique du film Indigènes, présenté comme le prologue de Hors-la-Loi, et encore moins la reprise du « Chant des Africains » par les acteurs récompensés lors du Festival de Cannes en 2006. Chant qui, rappelons-le, était devenu un hymne colonialiste durant la révolution algérienne et qui fut interdit dans l’armée française sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle. Après 1962, il appartiendra au patrimoine des nostalgiques de l’Algérie colonisée.

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Between Europe and a Hard Place

French Financial Diplomacy from 1995 to 2002

Daphne Josselin

In the mid-1990s, a series of financial crises placed international financial stability and North-South dialogue once again very firmly on the agenda of economic diplomacy. These had long been pet topics for the French: back in the 1960s, President Charles de Gaulle had famously clamoured for the establishment of a new monetary order; the summitry set up, on French initiative, in 1975, had been largely focused on exchange rate stability and North-South relations; in the 1980s, President Mitterrand had made repeated appeals for a “new Bretton Woods.” One could therefore expect the French to contribute actively to debates on how best to reform the international financial architecture.

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Donald Reid

Faced with a troubled past, national collectivities can negotiate identities through iconic figures. Prescient hero Charles de Gaulle and later Resistance martyr Jean Moulin played this role in France in the decades after World War II. More recently, other individuals from the same generation have come to the fore as exemplary actors through whom the French enact reconciliation with their nation’s wartime history. Marc Bloch, a Jew executed for his Resistance activity, has become a figure who allows French republicans to work their way out of what Henry Rousso terms the obsessive phase of the Vichy Syndrome.

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Colette Mazzucelli

The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as its principal European partner. Germany, for reasons explained by its history, political culture, and the nature of its federal system, chose to abstain in the United Nations vote to authorize the campaign. These differences between France and Germany suggest a contrast in their respective security and, particularly defense, policy objectives on the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty.

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Nathalie Etoke

This essay is an intimate account of my encounter with Aimé Césaire. I first met him in high school. I was seventeen years old, and I had never read any work comparable to his Notebook of a Return to the Native Land. That book left me confused. The more I read the less I understood. A student in lettres modernes at Université Charles De Gaulle, I became tormented by identity issues. My years in France introduced me to racism, to an other who observed me without seeing me—between us centuries of violence, stereotypes, misunderstanding, unrequited love, unresolved conflict, unshared suffering. How do you get rid of the cutting glance that murders the Promise of Tomorrow? Césaire gave me an answer to that question.

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Edited by H. C.

France still capable of renewal. Leadership matters, she reminds us, as did Stanley in his studies of Charles de Gaulle. It is easy to see Stanley’s influence in these essays, as well as in the mission of the journal itself. We remain as committed as ever

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Camille Robcis and Benjamin Poole

American) movies and series filling airtime as more channels appeared. By the sixties, information gained attention, as leaders like Charles de Gaulle began to exploit the political potential of state-run television. Ultimately, debates about media