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Stephen Gross

Over the past decade Germany has had one of the most successful

economies in the developed world. Despite the ongoing Euro crisis unemployment

has fallen below 7 percent, reaching its lowest levels since German

reunification in 1990. Germany’s youth unemployment is among the

lowest in Europe, far beneath the European average.1 One of the most

important engines of the German economy today, and in fact throughout

the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, has been its export sector. As Ludwig

Erhard, West Germany’s Economics Minister during the Wirtschaftswunder

of the 1950s remarked: “foreign trade is quite simply the core and

premise of our economic and social order.”2 According to various estimates,

today exports and imports of goods and services account for nearly a half of

German GDP—up from only a quarter in 1990. Germany is one of only three

economies that do over a trillion dollars worth of exports a year, the other

two being the United States and China.

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Friederike Eigler

Since the end of the Cold War and the reconfiguration of the map of

Europe, scholars across the disciplines have looked anew at the geopolitical

and geocultural dimensions of East Central Europe. Although geographically

at the periphery of Eastern Europe, Germany and its changing discourses

on the East have also become a subject of this reassessment in

recent years. Within this larger context, this special issue explores the

fraught history of German-Polish border regions with a special focus on

contemporary literature and film.1 The contributions examine the representation

of border regions in recent Polish and German literature (Irene

Sywenky, Claudia Winkler), filmic accounts of historical German and Polish

legacies within contemporary European contexts (Randall Halle, Meghan

O’Dea), and the role of collective memory in contemporary German-Polish

relations (Karl Cordell). Bringing together scholars of Polish and German

literature and film, as well as political science, some of the contributions

also ponder the advantages of regional and transnational approaches to

issues that used to be discussed primarily within national parameters.

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Christiane Lemke

nationalism), “civilizational populism” (anti-Islam), and populist (authoritarian) nationalism in East Central Europe. 11 Most European populist parties share the anti- eu rhetoric and they strongly oppose immigration. Because of its rejection of Islam, the

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Nick Underwood

ChaeRan Freeze, Jewish Marriage and Divorce in Imperial Russia (Lebanon, NH: Brandeis University Press, 2001). 18 Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), 2. 19 Poznanski

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Valeriy Heyets

undermined. Five years later, the consequences of her interpretation for Eastern European countries were clearly empirically underpinned by Gabor Juhász, who concluded that, in the late 1990s, “the EU had little impact on the shaping of east-central European

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Alena Minchenia

European University . Korolczuk , Elzbieta . 2016 . “ Neoliberalism and Feminist Organizing: From ‘NGO-ization of Resistance’ to Resistance against Neoliberalism .” In Solidarity in Struggle: Feminist Perspectives on Neoliberalism in East-Central

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From Political Fringe to Political Mainstream

The Front National and the 2014 Municipal Elections in France

Gabriel Goodliffe

Integration in East Central Europe,” European Union Politics 3, 3 (2002): 297–326. See also Paul Taggart, “A Touchstone of Dissent: Euroskepticism in Contemporary Western European Party Systems,” European Journal of Political Research 33, 3 (1998): 363