constituents, and its most basic responsibility was ensuring subsistence. In the nineteenth century, the study of food in the colonies fell under the scope of “tropical hygiene,” a medical discipline concerned primarily with the maintenance of white bodies
Justin Izzo, Valerie Deacon, and John P. Murphy
In the Museum of Man: Race, Anthropology, and Empire in France, 1850–1950 by Alice L. Conklin Justin Izzo
What Soldiers Do: Sex and the American GI in World War II by Mary Louise Roberts Valerie Deacon
Food, Farms, and Solidarity: French Farmers Challenge Industrial Agriculture and Genetically Modified Crops by Chaia Heller John P. Murphy
Toward an Explanation of Inconsistencies between Framing and Policies
Henri Bergeron, Patrick Castel, and Abigail C. Saguy
The French news media has framed “obesity” largely as a product of corporate greed and social inequality. Yet, France has—like other nations including the United States—adopted policies that focus on changing individual-level behavior. This article identifies several factors—including food industry lobbying, the Ministry of Agriculture’s rivalry with the Ministry of Health and alliance with the food industry, and competition with other policy goals—that favored the development of individual-level policy approaches to obesity in France at the expense of social-structural ones. This case points to the need to more systematically document inconsistencies and consistencies between social problem framing and policies. It also shows that national culture is multivalent and internally contradictory, fueling political and social struggles over which version of national culture will prevail at any given moment.
At the dawn of the 21st century, something new may be happening in the heartland of America: the spread of a negative image of France.1 Traditionally, a mostly positive image of France linked to its reputation for good food, high fashion, and sophisticated tourism, coexisted with a somewhat negative image in some elite circles. But the most important factor was definitely a lack of knowledge and the fact that above all, indifference reigned supreme. (See Body-Gendrot in this issue.)
Au bon beurre, La traversée de Paris, and the Black Market in France
Jean Dutourd's novel Au bon beurre (1952) and Claude Autant-Lara's film La Traversée de Paris (1956) offer the best-known depictions of black market activity in Occupied France, appreciated by audiences who had lived through the war. This article looks at the black market stories they tell and their reception in France in the 1950s. It focuses on the fictional stories in relation to the historical experience from which they were drawn, and analyzes their selective representation of behaviors and the key relationships on which black market activity relied. Both works capture widely shared Occupation experiences of food shortages and exploitation. They highlight popular resentment of profiteers, the ability of the wealthy to escape wartime hardship and postwar justice, and the corruption and incompetence of the state in managing shortages and postwar purges.
Asbestos, Aids and Genetically Modified Agriculture
David Vogel and Jabril Bensedrine
This article compares three health, safety and environmental policies in France and the United States: the regulation of asbestos, the regulatory impact of the health crisis associated with AIDS, and the regulation of genetically modified foods and seeds. These cases illustrate the evolution of regulatory policies and politics in France and the United States over the last three decades. In brief, risk management policies have become less politicized and risk averse in the United States, while they have become more politicized and risk averse in France. In many respects, regulatory politics and policies in France during the 1990s resemble those of the United States from the 1960s and through the late 1980s.
Until 1969, when Paris's wholesale food markets were moved to the Parisiansuburb of Rungis, Les Halles, the market district in the center of Paris, fedmuch of the city's urban population. Les Halles was not simply a place wherefood was bought and sold, but also a highly visible and symbolically chargednode of communication between the countryside, the state, and the bodies ofParisian citizens. Due to its centrality and visibility, Les Halles came underenormous pressure to physically symbolize the state's relationship to the “market.”In turn, the architecture of the markets at Les Halles came to stand in forthe powers of the state to organize a flow of goods from farm to body. Fromthe 1763 construction of the Halle au blé, to the 1851 ground-breaking on VictorBaltard's iron and glass market pavilions, to the construction of the CentrePompidou and the Forum des Halles in the 1970s and 1980s, the markets atLes Halles were regularly redesigned and rebuilt to accommodate and/or produceshifting notions of architectural, social, and financial order.
, 148) MARGLIN, Jessica . Divided Rule: Sovereignty and Empire in French Tunisia, 1881–1938 by Mary Dewhurst Lewis (Vol. 33, No. 3, 132) MURPHY, John P . Food, Farms & Solidarity: French Farmers Challenge Industrial Agriculture and Genetically
Operational Landscapes, Urban Desire, and the French State, 1945–1976
geographical contexts. Rural areas provide the resources required for cities to grow: raw materials, energy, food, and the transportation networks required to move these goods from sites of production to sites of consumption. For Brenner, the urban condition
Sartre and the Ethics of Need
interminable, ever re-enfolding, ‘end.’ The human being in search of food, water, or shelter experiences—through a lived sense of lack—the external world as threatening her inner world with destruction. She responds to this threat by seeking to incorporate into