Nationalist sentiment in Scotland can be traced back as far as Wallace, Bruce, and the Wars of Independence in the twelfth century ( Harvie 2004 ). Contemporary “Yes” voters would, however, recoil at such a suggestion, concerned as they are with
The Scottish Independence Movement
Keïta Fodéba and the Imagining of National Culture in Guinea
Andrew W. M. Smith
Here, the experience of World War II and the tragedy of the Thiaroye massacre, as described in the poem, fade against the timeless rhythm of village life and the seasons, echoing the coming of another dawn. Yet, after independence, the addition of a new
Nafissa Sid Cara and the Politics of Emancipation during the Algerian War
’s religiosity during the Algerian War for independence (1954–1962). French colonial-era modernization campaigns linked veiling with patriarchal tradition, seeking to “emancipate” Algerian women from the practice so they could become citizens of greater France. 3
Contrasting Representations of Irish and Zionist Nationalism in British Political Discourse (1917–1922)
Britain’s tutelage, took up arms against their former ally to achieve their “independence” and create their own state by force. As a focal point for competing nationalisms, the example of Palestine revealed the glaring inadequacy of British imperial rule
blend of femininity, accomplishment, and independence. Along with other recent works cited below, it offers another example of the varied ways that women in Third Republic France engaged with public debates about women and gender. Barine's contradictory
Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Julian Pänke, and Jochen Roose
from exercising its increased power and was rather seeking the role of a “gentle giant.” 1 This was largely the case despite some exceptions, such as the unilateral recognition of Croatian and Slovenian independence in the early 1990s, and criticism
Catholics and the Formation of Postcolonial Identity in Algeria
As French officials negotiated the terms of Algerian independence with the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria (GPRA) in 1961–62, among the issues discussed was the future of the Christian population. After colonial occupation and armed struggle, in which the defense of “Christian civilization” in Algeria had been a major ideological justification for French violence against the Algerian population, the future of Christianity in postcolonial Algeria was not self-evident. This article examines how European Catholics negotiated their position in post-independence Algeria. I demonstrate that Catholic attempts to “become Algerian” and decolonize the Church were intertwined with global religious politics, economic necessities, and colonial history. Yet their continued presence in Algeria demonstrates that the standard narratives of postcolonial rupture between the European and Algerian populations do not hold up, for, in the early years of post-independence Algeria, European Catholics played an active role in the construction of the postcolonial nation.
A Thematic Issue about Central and Eastern European Societies
Zuzana Reptova Novakova and Laurent van der Maesen
of cronyism and corruption. Poland's ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has only been in power for five years but has also mounted an assault on judicial independence and rule of law in that time. — The Guardian , 9 December 2020 Bearing this
The Politics of the Integration of Harkis After 1962
During the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962), France mobilized tens of thousands of native Algerian soldiers, known as the harkis, for counterinsurgent operations directed against their own countrymen of the National Liberation Front. As recruits for the French army, the harkis were given French status, which was then revoked when Algeria gained its independence. France later accepted the harkis as veterans and “repatriates,” only to confine them in camps until the 1970s. The abuse of the harkis has been noted as a “forgotten” episode in French postcolonial history. This article argues that the harkis were far from having been “forgotten,” and in fact were considered important throughout the Fifth Republic as a powerful counterpoint to the more problematic immigrant Algerian population in France. The harkis represented the key tension in postcolonial France between the notion of an irrevocable civil status and a national identity that favored a Eurocentric culture.
Une notion stratégique dans l’espace littéraire francophone
This article offers a socio-historical approach to analyzing the genesis of the notion of “Algerian literature” and its structural relationship to “French literature”—unstable notions that have been subject to fierce debate. I show how “Algerian literature” has been nationalized and ethnicized during the twentieth century. These transformations are linked to Algerian writers’ literary and political struggles with one another. Their approaches to affirming or denying the very existence of “Algerian literature” during the colonial era, or its ethnic character after Algerian independence, depended on their political convictions, but also on their recognition within the French-Algerian literary space. A structural analysis of the kind offered here allows us to see new historical continuities and ruptures between French colonial literature and the literature of post-independence Algeria. It reveals too that the figure of Albert Camus has remained in the heart of the debates even to this day.