The impact of Knesset committees’ involvement in public policymaking processes, whether handling legislation processes affecting public policymaking or handling oversight on government ministries affecting policy implementation and evaluation, is at
A Knesset Case Study
This article explores the ideological underpinnings of the major Jewish political camps in Israel and the Yishuv—the left, the Orthodox, the national right, the bourgeois center—and evaluates the extent to which they are compatible with liberal democracy as commonly understood in the West. It also analyzes quasi-democratic and non-democratic aspects of older Jewish traditions based on the Torah, the Talmud, and the Halakhah. While the history of Zionism and the Zionist movement contained definite democratic components, Israel’s political system was shaped by a range of anti-democratic traditions whose resonance is still felt today.
the 5th Knesset. The new party’s leaders believed they could provide an alternative to Mapai, which had dominated Israeli politics since 1948. The two parties had a combined total of 14 seats in the outgoing Knesset, and thus, as one party, it became
The 2014 increase in the Knesset's electoral threshold—the minimum percentage of popular votes required for a political party to win a seat—represented a major change and turning point in the history of Israel's party system. Between 1951 and 1988
Mordechai Kremnitzer and Shiri Krebs
Democracy is not just about free and fair elections. It requires at least some minimal substantial guarantees, such as freedom of speech and freedom of assembly, that formulate and enable free choice of autonomous and equal agents. These notions are well founded in Israeli constitutional law, but in recent years it seems that this basic understanding of the democratic process is weakening, especially as reflected in the actions of the Knesset. Several recent examples of Knesset legislation processes suggest that Israeli democratic culture is being eroded, as some of democracy’s fundamental notions are abandoned in favor of national-chauvinism and intolerance.
Very little research has been conducted on the functioning of the Israeli Parliament (the Knesset) in general and on private members' legislation in particular. This article contributes to the perception of the role of the legislator as political initiator in modern parliamentarism.
This article deals with the disappearance of Menachem Begin, the leader and the chairman of the Herut movement and the sixth Prime Minister of Israel (1977-1983). He disappeared from the political arena for about half a year: from the defeat of his party in the elections of the Second Knesset (26 July 1951) until the debate in the Knesset about the reparations from West Germany. Four central topics will be discussed: (1) the reasons for his disappearance; (2) his whereabouts and activities during that period; (3) the reason for his return to the political arena and the connection between his return and the debate about the reparations; and (4) the significance of this story for Begin's biography.
This study applies critical discourse analysis to examine the relationship between the imagery and the legitimacy attached to single mothers, as well as the social policy designed for them. The correlation between images, legitimacy, and policy was examined during three decades (the 1970s, 1990s, and 2000s) of extensive legislation pertaining to single-parent mothers. The data have been drawn from a diversity of sources, including Knesset debates, Knesset committee discussions, women's organizations, the media, and semi-structured interviews. The study shows that welfare policy necessarily encapsulates cultural perceptions and basic assumptions pertaining to certain segments of society. These beliefs anchor justifications for the expansion or limitation of social rights and reveal how the development of social rights is linked to cultural and social apprehension.
In the Knesset elections of 2009, what lay in the balance were not only significant programmatic differences between the main parties but the center of gravity of the party system and the direction from which the country is to be governed. Nevertheless, the three major rivals conducted a valance competition appropriate for situations in which the parties are ideologically close, and no questions of magnitude hang in the balance. This resulted from an unspoken agreement about the use of "tacit issues": rewards of the competition that are understood by stalwarts, and toward the attainment of which the rivals direct their e orts, but that are not spelled out to the wider public. Consequently, the campaign was among the shortest and least substantive in the country's history, but its outcome may determine the ideological direction of the country, the shape and steering capacity of its government, and the fate of the party system for a long time to come.
Property Relations between Spouses
Starting in the early 1950s, Israeli women's organizations persistently promoted legislation that aimed to ensure wives' just share in marital property, until in 1973 the Knesset enacted the Spouses (Property Relations) Law. This remarkable struggle was then forgotten. The long history of this law as told here, along with parallel Israeli legislative and judicial developments related to property relations between spouses, reveals the political activities of women's organizations during the decades in which it is generally believed that they neglected their political-feminist agenda. It also discloses the substantial gap between the organizations' vision of a community property regime throughout marriage and the regime of property separation enacted into law. This case study sheds light on how social organizations attempt to promote legal reforms and on the consequences of their compromises.