Th is article traces the emergence of three categories of war veterans in postindependence Mozambique: former fighters of the liberation war against the Portuguese colonial administration, the former soldiers of the Mozambican Armed Forces, and former Renamo combatants who both fought in the postindependence war. The article follows the emergence, negotiation, contestation, and transformations of these categories through memory politics, bureaucratic practices of inclusion and exclusion, and veterans’ collective political practices “from below.” By showing how some war veterans are come to be regarded as “worthy” of privileged state resources and others as enemies of the state, while again others are in an in-between position, the article shows how war veterans come to occupy specific citizenship positions and that these positions are contingent and changeable over time.
The Making of War Veterans in Postindependence Mozambique
From “Predicaments of Mobility” to “Potentialities in Displacement”
Stephen C. Lubkemann
primarily on ethnographic material from my two longest and most multifaceted research engagements with war-affected populations from (and in) Mozambique and Liberia. From Inventorying Loss to Documenting the Complex Transformations of Social Opportunity
African Megaprojects at a Situated Scale
Serena Stein and Marc Kalina
Agricultural growth corridors (AGCs) have begun proliferating across the actual and policy landscapes of southeastern Africa. Cast as an emerging megaproject strategy, AGCs combine the construction of large-scale logistics (i.e., roads, railways, ports) with attracting investment in commercial agribusiness and smallholder farming. While scholars have long attended to spatial development schemes in the Global South, literature on the rising AGCs of Africa’s eastern seaboard has only recently shifted from anticipatory to empirical studies as policy implementation reaches full force. The article reflects on a new crop of studies that confront the problem of tracing policy imaginaries to the people, places, practices, and ecologies shaped by AGC schemes. In contrast to scholarship that accepts corridors as given entities, we explore directions for research that interrogate the grounded yet provisional becoming of these megaprojects. At such sites, the return of high modernist development logics encapsulated by the corridor concept may be questioned.
The rationale for this special section of Conflict and Society lies in anthropology’s relatively recent and steadily growing application to the study of political violence in its various manifestations, from everyday instances of subtle structural violence to more overt cases of war and mass atrocities. In the late 1990s, Carolyn Nordstrom’s (1997) work among soldiers and ordinary civilians whose lives had been intimately affected by Mozambique’s civil war and Antonius Robben’s (1996) work among survivors and perpetrators of Argentina’s Dirty War enabled an important shift among ethnographers. Whereas in the past ethnographers typically focused on violence and warfare in substate and prestate societies, Nordstrom and Robben emphasized the foundations of political violence in complex state societies. Their work led to the emergence of a small cohort of ethnographers—among them Philippe Bourgois (2003), Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1997, 2002), and Neil Whitehead (2002, 2004)—specialized in what was soon termed “the ethnography of political violence”
Excess and Domestication
This article explores the enmeshment of sovereignty, riots, and social contestation. Riots have continually marked out the thresholds allowed for exceptions to be declared. As such, they have been the sovereign entity par excellence that produces the moments of politics that need to be domesticated. Interestingly, expressions of sovereignty have always presented themselves in contexts of riots and social contestation. These issues will be explored ethnographically in relation to riots in Mozambique. The relationship between excess and domestication is explored through an analysis of two indices of sovereignty: riots and their close associates “mobs” as excess; and processes of domestication. The first index grapples with t he excesses of riots and mobs, and encompasses, I suggest, all the elements of sovereignty: exception, in- and exclusion, and excess. The second index explores the enmeshment of sovereignty and social contestation from the perspective of domestication, particularly the diff erent forms for control and violence that come into play when the quest for making life and creating order is at stake.
Sintayehu Kassaye Alemu
research funding that was found to have a major impact on the nature and sustainability of research capacity and productivity at Makerere University. Chapter 7, in continuity with Chapter 6, emphasises incentives for academic performance in Mozambique and
Managing Belonging, Bodies, and Mobility in (Post)Colonial Kenya and Tanzania
Hanno Brankamp and Patricia Daley
regimes, but also sought work to pay taxes. In Tanganyika, migrants from Belgian (Rwanda and Burundi) and Portuguese (Mozambique) territories formed the most common group of “distance labor” and were provided with free housing. Ethnic and racial
Pinker’s (Mis)Representation of the Enlightenment and Violence
” or “savage” an act might appear to the outside observer. This is as much the case today as it was in the past. Take as an example rape in warfare, which has become a systematic strategy in some modern theaters of war. In Mozambique, soldiers often
Digitalized Memories of the Rhodesian Bush War
Ane Marie Ørbø Kirkegaard
vantage point, the situation had gone from bad to worse, and the fear of South Africa, Rhodesia, and the Portuguese in Mozambique coming together to take control of all of southern Africa was explicitly voiced, also at the United Nations (Nkrumah n
Catherine Plum, Klaus Berghahn, Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker, David Freis, and Matthew Eckel
to explain the treatment of the various groups considered, from Jews and contract workers from Mozambique and Vietnam to Jehovah Witnesses and nonconformist youth groups. Ultimately, some groups fared better than others in the final years of the