The field of general theories of nationalism has been a subject of frequent reference for scholars of Israel. The uses to which the vari- ous theories have been put are manifold. While it is not possible to draw an exact correlation, it may be maintained that a general pattern may be observed, where perennialist and ethno-symbolic theories have proved of particular attraction to scholars seeking to locate Israel as a 'normal' state, sharing aspects of its development and identity with other Western democracies. Modernist and instrumentalist theories, by contrast, have often been associated with more critical views that point to perceived oppressive or undemocratic aspects of the Israeli polity or Israeli history. What is noteworthy in all these examples is the important role the discussion on nationalism plays in the process of 'opening up' the study of Israel for comparative purposes, and in deepening analysis of historical, social, and political processes.
From 'Quietism' to Ethno-nationalism
Hillel Cohen, The Rise and Fall of Arab Jerusalem: Palestinian Politics and the City since 1967 (New York: Routledge, 2011), 162 pp.
Oded Haklai, Palestinian Ethnonationalism in Israel (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 243 pp.
Amal Jamal, Arab Minority Nationalism in Israel: The Politics of Indigeneity (New York: Routledge, 2011), 324 pp.
Ilan Pappé, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011), 336 pp.
Ilan Peleg and Dov Waxman, Israel’s Palestinians: The Conflict Within (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 262 pp.
Yitzhak Reiter, National Minority, Regional Majority: Palestinian Arabs versus Jews in Israel (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2009), 403 pp.
Dov Waxman and Ilan Peleg
This article examines the challenge posed to the future of Israel as a Jewish state by its Palestinian minority. In particular, it analyzes a series of documents published in 2006-2007 by political and intellectual leaders of the Palestinian community in Israel in which they called upon Israel to abandon its Jewish identity and recognize its Palestinian citizens as an indigenous national minority with collective rights. After discussing the major demands and proposals made in these Vision Documents the article argues on both pragmatic and normative grounds that Israel must try to balance the demands of the Palestinian minority with those of the Jewish majority. This involves maintaining the state's Jewish character while providing greater collective rights, including limited autonomy, to its Palestinian citizens.
The Politics/People Dichotomy in the Ethnography of Post-Yugoslav Nationalization
account for the appeal of nationalism in the early 1990s, allowing others to dominate knowledge production on this issue. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), this article identifies an emic and etic dichotomous paradigm of “politics” and “ordinary
Iver B. Neumann
Vladimir Putin years, this xenophobic nationalist position steadfastly gained ground by largely incorporating another version of nationalism of long standing in Russia, namely, spiritual nationalism. In response to developments in Ukraine, but also to
Israeli Arabs' "future vision" documents are an ethical-political manifesto, contextualized in academic discourse and informed by socio-historical parallels. Hence, this article examines their political ethics in a comparative perspective, by referencing the case of Israeli Arabs along with two other distinct intra-state conflicts: the strife between Anglophones and Francophones in Canada and the struggle between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia. These cases illuminate two main ethical-political alternatives to the present pattern of relations between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Although the Canadian case indicates a renunciation of ethno-nationalism in favor of civic and linguistic patriotism, the Macedonian case presents an attempt to reconcile ethno-national affiliation with democratic principles. Projecting the ethical discussion of the Canadian and Macedonian cases onto Israel, I contend that normative acceptance of the mutual and dual right of self-determination, regarding both the individual's collective identity and the collective's polity, is a precondition for reconciliation between Jews and Arabs.
This article focuses on the concept of identity by juxtaposing New Age philosophy and nationalism in the Israeli context. Based on my qualitative research, I deconstruct the Israeli New Age discourse on ethno-national identity and expose two approaches within this discourse. The more common one is the belief held by most Israelis, according to which ethno-national identity is a fundamental component of one's self. A second and much less prevalent view resembles New Age ideology outside Israel and conceives of ethno-national identities as a false social concept that separate people rather than unite them. My findings highlight the limits of New Age ideology as an alternative to the hegemonic culture in Israel. The difficulty that Israeli New Agers find in divorcing hegemonic conceptualizations demonstrates the centrality and power of ethno-national identity in Israel.
Arab Soccer in a Jewish State Revisited
This article reexamines my argument published in 2007 regarding the apolitical character of Arab soccer fans in Israel. Until recently, explicit political protest and expressions of Palestinian national identity have remained outside the stadium. For most Arab fans, soccer was an opportunity to display common ground with Jewish citizens. Displaying Palestinian nationalism was considered to be endangering the potential for rapprochement. However, over the past decade the barriers that blocked political protest from entering the stadium have been ruptured. Several interrelated factors are suggested as explanations for this shift: multiple cycles of escalated violence in the region, a wave of anti-Arab legislation, the globalization of fan culture, the model of a politicized soccer fan provided during the Arab Spring, and the emergence of social media.
Jerusalem on Israeli Banknotes
Na'ama Sheffi and Anat First
commercials, we suggest a wider process. In order to decipher the myths, we wish to reveal how national ideology building, through low-power communication means, became everyday nationalism. Therefore, we analyze the images in historical, political, and social
Ethnocentrism and the Temple Mount
sections of this public becoming post-Kookist, and perhaps even post-Orthodox ( Ettinger 2015 ), having come to adopt views that characterized the underground militia of preindependence Israel. It can be said that for them ethnic nationalism is now