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Francesco Maria Scanni and Francesco Compolongo

weakening of the worker; and legislative assemblies’ loss of power to the executive branch. In addition, there was widespread cartelisation: the major political parties took control of the state, alternating in power and using electoral laws to prevent new

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Nadia Urbinati

—parliamentary democracy based on the centrality of suffrage, political parties, and the priority of the lawmaking power over the executive. Pierre Rosanvallon (2015) has described this phenomenon as presidentialization of parliamentary democracy. What we detect as a

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Simon Tormey and Jean-Paul Gagnon

representation, election, and mass political parties? Tormey: Representation is a concept I got very interested in about 10 years ago. In an earlier paper, when I was writing about representation, I termed it a “ pharmakon ,” which is a Greek term from which we

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Participation without Deliberation

The Crisis of Venezuelan Democracy

Nicole Curato

The legacy of Hugo Chavez is contentious. Some lament the deterioration of Venezuelan democracy from one of Latin America's most stable political systems to a populist authoritarian regime. Others celebrate Chavez's participatory project of institutionalizing structures for community-driven development, redistributing oil wealth through welfare policies, and creating a political party closely linked to mass movements. This article provides an alternative assessment of Venezuela's democratic quality by drawing on deliberative democratic theory. I argue that Chavez's participatory project is incomplete because it fails to create structures for deliberative politics. Without these mechanisms, Venezuela remains vulnerable to crises brought about by “uncivil action,” such as military coups and violent protests, making deliberation an important component in averting crises in democratizing polities.

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Learning to Judge Politics

Professor John Dunn (Interviewed by Professor Lawrence Hamilton)

John Dunn and Lawrence Hamilton

? JD: Well, there used to be such a mechanism in this country. There used to be mass political parties. Mass political parties precisely operated in that way. If you turn political parties – as is the current practice – into quite small structures

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Marcelo Hoffman

pastorate to these institutions by the end of the seventeenth century ( 2007: 197 ). Foucault exemplified this shift in part through a discussion of the metamorphosis of secret societies into political parties ( 2007: 198– 199 ). In this context, he

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Wolfgang Merkel and Jean-Paul Gagnon

democracies in crisis would mean that if political parties or politicians don’t do something dramatically important to cure this crisis then democracy will die; meaning that it would transcend into authoritarian regimes such as 1933 Germany, 1936 Spain, 1967

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Resist and Revivify

Democratic Theory in a Time of Defiance

Jean-Paul Gagnon and Emily Beausoleil

2014 ) and a difficulty in relating to dominant political parties ( Gauja 2016: 89 ) leading to low voter turnout, especially in subnational elections ( Green and Gerber 2015: 174–177 ), 1 as well as a sense that certain political practices are behind

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The Future of Representative Politics

On Tormey, Krastev and Rosanvallon

Mihail Evans

2015: 109 ). He describes how when the peoples’ assemblies failed to maintain momentum protestors turned to engage through the electoral system: 490 political parties have been created since 2010 ( Tormey 2015: 113 ). 4 In analysing these developments

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Ezekiel S. Mkhwanazi

, one represented by Danquah-Busia and another by Nkrumah and his political party. Nkrumah and his political party advocated for rapid political progress while Danquah-Busia’s approach was evolutionary ( Anyidoho 2010: 4 ). Further, Nkrumah’s commitment