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William D. Irvine

Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.

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Tao Zhang

Despite some scholarly attention, the Native-American–Chinese association is mainly studied from the White perspective. One may get the impression that connections between the two similarly marginalized groups are either imagined or promoted by Whites for their own benefit. But, as a matter of fact, American Indians, joined by their White friends, did initiate associations with the Chinese out of their own racial considerations. One case in point is Pan-Indians’ reference to the Chinese in the process of forging a united and unique identity for the Indian race at the turn of the twentieth century. With those allusions, Native Americans were constructed into a group that was exceptional and progressive, benevolent and cosmopolitan—in short, a group that Whites should accept and respect as fellow Americans. Passively involved in proving Indians’ eligibility for American nationality, the Chinese emerged as racialized but less repugnant than they had been in Whites’ racist depictions. Pan-Indians’ citation of the Chinese thus registers the caution with which they navigated the constraints imposed by American racism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Romanticizing Difference

Identities in Transformation after World War I

Nadia Malinovich

universalism, humanism, romanticism, and racism were much messier and intertwined. This volume brings together researchers in history, linguistics, and literary studies to reflect on these issues in order to explore the varied ways in which human difference was

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Amanda H. Littauer

sexism and homophobia, and sometimes also racism. For Kim, a black sixteen-year-old, the lesbian community “has showed me what I could have, if I was the right age and the right color and looked right. … It's offered me some things; a sense that there are

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The “Moral Effect” of Legalized Lawlessness

Violence in Britain’s Twentieth-Century Empire

Caroline Elkins

liberalism and imperialism and, with it, a dominant narrative of universal human emancipation, equality, rights, and the civilizing mission that materialized simultaneously with an underbelly of repression as expressed in evolutionary thought, racism, class

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Political Regeneration

José Bonifácio and Temporal Experiences in the Luso-American World in the Early Nineteenth Century

Maria Elisa Noronha De Sá and Marcelo Gantus Jasmin

many other important ones, that of racial inheritance, the belief in the universality of the human race, and the questioning of the racism inherited from the ancien régime. He writes: As a matter of fact, primitive man is neither naturally good nor evil

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Whitewashing History

Pinker’s (Mis)Representation of the Enlightenment and Violence

Philip Dwyer

his agenda. Another paradox is that racism as a pseudoscientific ideology really only came into its own in the nineteenth century, at about the same time as slavery was abolished in Europe. Moreover, this was a period, that is, the decades after 1760

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From Exoticism to Authenticity

Textbooks during French Colonization and the Modern Literature of Global Tourism

Claudine Moïse

savage—to strengthen the conqueror’s certainties and domineering stance. Diversity, then, meant universalism and, by a mirror effect, ethnocentrism, nationalism, and racism, or exoticism as extolled by a number of literary texts that are now classics. 2

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Michael B. Loughlin

to many interpretations. Hervé’s version of national socialism gradually coalesced into a predictable extreme right-wing orthodoxy. 22 He never saw his national socialism in terms of racism, totalitarianism, and extremism, characteristics that Eugen

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Pivots and Levers

Political Rhetoric around Capitalism in Britain from the 1970s to the Present

Neil Foxlee

), and several abstract nouns ( ambition, frugality, shrewdness , and providence ). (As this might suggest, many “basic” concepts and their cognates can themselves be seen as evaluative-descriptive terms—among isms, fascism and racism would be