The Portuguese animal rights movement has been extremely active in campaigning against bullfighting. Indeed, from 2002 to 2014, this was their main priority in terms of campaigns. In this article, I assess how these campaigns have been carried out, arguing that the animal rights movement in Portugal has been othering supporters and practitioners of bullfights in their campaigns. In other words, their campaigns have consisted of drawing a sharp contrast between bullfight supporters and practitioners and the rest of the population. I argue that a consequence of this is that the speciesist practices of the majority of Portuguese have become normalised; consequently, leading to the reinforcement of some speciesist norms.
The Case of Bullfighting
William D. Irvine
Scholars of Third Republic France have long assumed that the political spectrum was divided into a readily identifiable Right and Left, adhering to mutually exclusive positions. But this comfortable political taxonomy could, at times, to violence to political reality. The Right could at some periods in the history of the Third Republic be aggressively nationalistic; at other times it could be positively irenic. The Left was often pacifist, but not always and there were moments when it, or some fraction of it, could be quite bellicose. Neither anti-Semitism nor racism in general were the exclusive province of the Right. On critical issues, the Left could be more refractory to women's rights than was the Right. French fascism claimed to be neither right nor left and at least some French fascist movements could list as many former members of the Left among its leaders as former members of the Right.
Despite some scholarly attention, the Native-American–Chinese association is mainly studied from the White perspective. One may get the impression that connections between the two similarly marginalized groups are either imagined or promoted by Whites for their own benefit. But, as a matter of fact, American Indians, joined by their White friends, did initiate associations with the Chinese out of their own racial considerations. One case in point is Pan-Indians’ reference to the Chinese in the process of forging a united and unique identity for the Indian race at the turn of the twentieth century. With those allusions, Native Americans were constructed into a group that was exceptional and progressive, benevolent and cosmopolitan—in short, a group that Whites should accept and respect as fellow Americans. Passively involved in proving Indians’ eligibility for American nationality, the Chinese emerged as racialized but less repugnant than they had been in Whites’ racist depictions. Pan-Indians’ citation of the Chinese thus registers the caution with which they navigated the constraints imposed by American racism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Identities in Transformation after World War I
universalism, humanism, romanticism, and racism were much messier and intertwined. This volume brings together researchers in history, linguistics, and literary studies to reflect on these issues in order to explore the varied ways in which human difference was
Pinker’s (Mis)Representation of the Enlightenment and Violence
his agenda. Another paradox is that racism as a pseudoscientific ideology really only came into its own in the nineteenth century, at about the same time as slavery was abolished in Europe. Moreover, this was a period, that is, the decades after 1760
Violence in Britain’s Twentieth-Century Empire
liberalism and imperialism and, with it, a dominant narrative of universal human emancipation, equality, rights, and the civilizing mission that materialized simultaneously with an underbelly of repression as expressed in evolutionary thought, racism, class
The Transformation of Suicide in Western Thought
lens of early modern humanism. Suicide and Historians Historians study particulars, but they can also contribute to the understanding of universals. History can be a mode of understanding patterns of behavior, such as immigration, racism, revolution
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
to many interpretations. Hervé’s version of national socialism gradually coalesced into a predictable extreme right-wing orthodoxy. 22 He never saw his national socialism in terms of racism, totalitarianism, and extremism, characteristics that Eugen
Textbooks during French Colonization and the Modern Literature of Global Tourism
savage—to strengthen the conqueror’s certainties and domineering stance. Diversity, then, meant universalism and, by a mirror effect, ethnocentrism, nationalism, and racism, or exoticism as extolled by a number of literary texts that are now classics. 2
Romantic Socialism and the Afterlife of a Cross-Sex Friendship in French Political Culture, 1880–1929
-Semitism and racism). 108 Soon after, in the anti-Semitic and anticapitalist daily La Libre Parole , a less conciliatory Séverine attacked Max Lebaudy, the sickly son of a wealthy sugar industrialist, for evading his military service due to poor health