Indonesia’s New Order was among the most repressive and violent states of the twentieth century. During Suharto’s period of rule (1966–1998), the state was directly or indirectly responsible for the deaths of as many as a million or more of its own citizens and the incarceration of many more. While the worst of this violence occurred during the pogroms against communists in 1965–1966 and during the long occupation of East Timor, the whole New Order system of rule was constructed on what Benedict Anderson (2001a: 13) has described as a “vast machine of state violence.” This machine left behind a dangerous legacy that must be better understood if it is to be overcome in the years ahead (J. Bertrand 2002; Colombijn and Lindblad 2002).
Thomas G. Kirsch and Tilo Gratz, eds. 2010. Domesticating vigilantism in Africa. Woodbridge and Rochester: James Currey. 170 pages.
David Pratten and Atreyee Sen, eds. 2008. Global vigilantes. New York: Columbia University Press. 448 pages.
Policing Partnerships in Nairobi, Kenya
Francesco Colona and Tessa Diphoorn
Africa has empirically centered around non-state actors, which broadly refers to actors who are not (directly) aligned to or working within the larger state apparatus. These studies have focused on gangs ( Jensen 2008a ; van Stapele 2015 ), vigilante
This article focuses on efforts to overcome the divide between state legality and local practices. It explores a pragmatic effort to deal with witchcraft accusations and occult-related violence in customary courts among the Miskitu people in Eastern Nicaragua, taking into account both indigenous notions of justice and cosmology, and the laws of the state. In this model, a community court (elected by the community inhabitants and supported by a council of elders), watchmen known as ‘voluntary police’ and a ‘judicial facilitator’ play intermediary roles. Witchcraft is understood and addressed in relation to Miskitu cultural perceptions and notions of illness afflictions, and disputes are settled through negotiations involving divination, healing, signing a legally binding ‘peace’ contract, a fine, and giving protection to alleged witches. This decreases tensions and the risk of vigilante justice is reduced. The focus is on settling disputes, conciliation and recreating harmony instead of retribution.
Daniel M. Goldstein, Gloria Achá, Eric Hinojosa, and Theo Roncken
Vigilante violence has become a common practice of creating 'security' in the marginal barrios that surround the city of Cochabamba, Bolivia. Surprisingly, this violence and the human rights violations it entails are appearing simultaneously with the expansion of civil society in Bolivia. This apparent contradiction, it is argued here, suggests that analysts must expand their definition of 'civil society' to include violent social groups and actors as well as peaceful ones. This article suggests that a fuller understanding of the nature of civil society in Bolivia and other Latin American countries requires us to broaden our understanding of what civil society includes, and so recognize that some acts originating in civil society may restrict rather than deepen and expand individual rights in neo-liberal democracies.
Perspectives on the rise of the far-right and right-wing populism in the West
Sindre Bangstad, Bjørn Enge Bertelsen, and Heiko Henkel
agenda again. Cathrine Thorleifsson: I arrived in Washington, DC, yesterday. I was born in DC and must say I am absolutely astonished that US President Trump has retweeted a British neo-fascist vigilante group just two days ago. I first came across
Contrasting views from Chicago and Managua
. Managua . In Fractured cities: Social exclusion, urban violence and contested spaces in Latin America , ed. Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt , 71 – 85 London : Zed . Rodgers , Dennis . 2007d . When vigilantes turn bad: Gangs, violence, and
The Metaphysics of Police Vigilantism in India
This article describes and explains “police vigilantism” as a mode of authoritative extralegal coercion performed by public police officials conceived as doing their duty to realize justice in the world. Based on ethnographic observations, interviews, and content analysis of news and entertainment media as well as official government reports, this essay examines a specific form of police vigilantism in contemporary India known as “encounter killings”. Demonstrating that encounter killings are widely constituted as a form of ritual purification and social defense by self-sacrificing police, it theorizes a metaphysics of police vigilantism in India that combines generalized experiences of insecurity with shared cosmologies of just war. Comparing this metaphysics with justifications of state violence in other Global South contexts, this study sheds light on how such violence may be legitimated through the conceptual inextricability of law and war as embodied in a uniquely constituted human figure: the police vigilante.
Subaltern politics and insurgent citizenship in contemporary India
Alf Gunvald Nilsen
guerilla movement that is operative throughout large parts of eastern India. 17 The Salwa Judum is a vigilante outfit that was started around 2006 to counter the advance of Maoism in Bastar district in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh. Orchestrated
Views from the Prison/Street Interface in India
carceral complex is also evident in the frequent incidence of vigilantism and the rise of an army of vigilantes. The street becomes a space where everyday conflict and ideological clashes of identity, religion and national belonging are enacted and