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Paula Kabalo


This article discusses associative initiatives by two underprivileged sectors in Israel in the 1950s and 1960s: inhabitants of low-income neighborhoods on the fringes of Tel Aviv and Arab citizens living in towns and villages under supervision of the Military Administration. Based on varied archival sources comprised largely of letters and memoranda written by members of the associations, the study examines encounters that took place (usually in writing but sometimes face-to-face as well) between marginalized citizens and policymakers from the political (local or national) center. I contend that the effect of the associative initiatives should be viewed through the prism of the community’s sense of self-value and the civic skills that it imparts, regardless of the concrete attainment of goals. I argue that such an inquiry into voluntary associations, both formal (registered) and informal (non-registered), yields a more complex picture of the limited Israeli democracy of the country’s first two decades.

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Ben Herzog

rights, and a member usually implies a conscious voluntary association, citizenship includes both obligations and privileges in relation to the state. Thus, compared to the status of subjects, all citizens can be seen as morally superior. I am fully aware

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Mor Cohen

, Ohel Yosef became a voluntary association in order to raise money for other communal services for the neighborhood, such as a bakery, laundromat, nursery, and embroidery and sewing factory. Eventually, Ohel Yosef’s model was adopted in other

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The Ukrainian divide

The power of historical narratives, imagined communities, and collective memories

Alina Penkala, Ilse Derluyn, and Ine Lietaert

, connected with their counterpart on the Left Bank Ukraine, grew and was aided by occasional favors from the government in Vienna. It created numerous voluntary associations in the countryside, established an academy of sciences in Lviv, and set the goal of