W. E. B. Du Bois noted that the nineteenth-century US slave plantation corresponded with the factory in its worst conceivable form. This article expands upon Du Bois's insight to consider the emergence of the English working class in correspondence with American settler slavery and colonial projects within the British Empire. From above, elites theorized about the exploitation of labor as a world historical project to compare the enslaved, the colonized, and the English worker against one another. From below, proletarian intellectuals imagined the freedom of English laborers through the condition of the enslaved in the American South and Jamaica and the colonized in South Asia. By placing these histories from above and below together, this article argues that it is impossible to conceive of the English working class making itself and being made at remove from the enslaving and colonizing projects of global capital.
Race, Global Capital, and The Making of the English Working Class
Russia and Steven Pinker’s Thesis
Nancy Shields Kollmann
social rank of the insulted, and with the satisfaction of a restored reputation. When Europeans imported dueling in the late seventeenth century, the state immediately clamped down, punishing it as a capital crime. Peter I even ordered not only that a
Wolfgang Merkel and Jean-Paul Gagnon
golden dollar, pound, euro, and yen. It’s that idolatrous cow that is capital and material gain that trumps all. Merkel: I see things from the position of democratic government. Governments are, so to say, elected to fulfill their promised programs and
that we, who have always known how to grieve better and more consistently than our murderers, take a chance on each other and decolonize our complaints while we do so. Why not seize the moment and call the bloody bluff of capital and colony in crisis
Keynes and Marx, Merchants, and Poets
. Second, maintaining an interest in capital, we move over to the conceptual history of financial liquidity, including, third, giving a short overview of how money came to flow, and fourth, taking the economist John Maynard Keynes's more theoretical
Pinker’s (Mis)Representation of the Enlightenment and Violence
likes to make bold statements. The Enlightenment led to: the elimination of capital and corporal punishments; a severe curtailment of govern- ment violence against “subjects”; the abolition of slavery (by which he means the abolition of the Atlantic
France Compared to Britain and Germany
Thanks to a comparison of social and educational characteristics of elites in France, Germany and UK at the end of the nineteenth century, this contribution shows the specificities of the French case: a mixture of persistent traditional elites, akin to British and German ones, and the growing domination of a more recent economic and meritocratic bourgeoisie pushing for liberalism and democracy. Nevertheless, evolutions in the same direction as France are also perceptible in the two monarchies and give birth to a new divergence when after WWI the democratization of elites go faster in UK and Germany than in France where the law bourgeoisie remain dominant and blocks the reforms asked by more popular or petit bourgeois groups present in the political parties on the left.
Unanimously celebrated as an authentic representation of French railroad workers' resistance against the Germans during the Occupation, René Clément's La Bataille du rail (The Battle of the Rails, 1945) was a valuable piece of ideological capital in the wake of France's liberation. Through a close reading of the film's production and reception, this article shows that the film's heroic blueprinting of the Resistance was the result of mediation between two opposing points of view: that of the Marxist Left, which sought to portray the Resistance as belonging to the working class, and that of the Gaullists, who were intent on promoting the myth of an idealized "True France" without class or ideological divisions and united in its opposition to the Germans.
Henry A. Giroux
This article argues that democracy is on life support in the United States. Throughout the social order, the forces of predatory capitalism are on the march—dismantling the welfare state, corrupting politics with outside money, defunding higher education, expanding the corporate-surveillance-military state, widening inequalities in wealth and income, and waging a war on low income and poor minorities. As market mentalities and moralities tighten their grip on all aspects of society, democratic institutions and public spheres are being downsized, if not altogether disappearing. As these institutions vanish—from higher education to health care centers—there is also a serious erosion of the discourses of community, justice, equality, public values, and the common good. This article argues that given this current crisis, educators, artists, intellectuals, youth, and workers need a new political and pedagogical language centered around the notion of radical democracy in order to address the changing contexts and issues facing a world in which capital draws upon an unprecedented convergence of resources—financial, cultural, political, economic, scientific, military, and technological—to exercise powerful and diverse forms of control.
On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy
, when they do not rely on politically authoritarian or fascist regimes and do not implement the kind of neoliberal policies, which have, in recent decades, prioritized capital's unfettered pursuit of profit over any other social consideration, capitalist