The resurgence of interest in the determinants of economic growth through the vehicle of endogenous growth theory has brought with it new understanding of what underlies long term economic prosperity. In particular, the role of human capital as an important driver of technological change, and hence development, has emerged as a key factor.
Market English, Biopower, and the World Bank
J. Paul Narkunas
In 1997, the World Bank Group1 published in English one of its many country studies, entitled Vietnam: Education Financing. Its goal was to measure ‘what changes in educational policies will ensure that students who pass through the system today will acquire the knowledge, skills and attitudes needed for Vietnam to complete the transition successfully from a planned to a market economy’(World Bank 1997: xiii). Skills, knowledge, and attitude designate the successfully ‘educated’ Vietnamese national subjects for the bank. The educational ‘system’ performs, therefore, a disciplinary function by using the technologies of the nation state to cultivate productive humans—measured by technical expertise and computer and business skills—for transnational companies who do business in the region.
Globalism makes news every day, yet world trade is hardly greater today than 30 years ago; it is the movement of capital that is far greater now, thanks to technology. The irresistible force for one world is not the United Nations, ever an arena for the contest of national interests, but money, particularly the United States dollar, which is an unofficial world currency, often with more influence than U.S. foreign policy. One of the results of monetary globalism is to make national reserve and international banks all the more important.
Presently certain catchphrases and hashtags have been circulating and trending in the public discourse such as ‘white monopoly capital’, ‘radical economic transformation’ and movements’ phrases such as ‘fees must fall’ and ‘Black First Land First’ formulated in response to issues around education, land and race specifically. However, Robert Sobukwe, intellectual giant of the pan-Africanist struggle, articulated very strong beliefs underpinning these burning societal questions from as early as the 1940s. His incarceration, banishment and ultimate death in 1978 left a political vacuum in South Africa and more than twenty years after democracy, the aforementioned issues Sobukwe stressed during his time need to be revisited. South African is currently experiencing a massive resurgence in the narrative and discourse regarding the need for dialogue around education transformation, land reform and race as a whole. Therefore, this article seeks to draw unpack Sobukwe’s take on these three burning issues in relation to the current discourse in South Africa today underpinned by pan-Africanist philosophy.
Over and above the reasons or the wrongs of the apologists and the critics of globalisation, it seems impossible to deny the development, during these last few decades, of a global network of social connections and functional interdependences that link individuals and nations – no one is excluded. As Tony Spybey and Roland Robertson remind us, even the deepest meanings of existence, the most intimate of personal experiences and daily behaviour are involved in this radical change of cognitive and symbolic reference points: the world as a whole.1 The globalised world is the result of a series of compressions and integrations that have reduced the so-called ‘empty gaps’ in the material of human relations. As Joseph Stiglitz emphasized, the thing that has favoured the process of global compression-integration is the impressive reduction of the time and cost of transport and communication, and the demolition of artificial barriers to the international circulation of goods, services, capital, knowledge, and – even if still strongly obstructed – of people and labour.
State Intervention and the Overcoming of Dependency in Africa before the Crisis of the 1970s
state model which harnesses local capital or partners it, in Ghana local capital was treated as a kind of enemy. Its main nest lay in cocoa harvesting, purchasing, transporting and so on, and here the bourgeoisie was displaced in favour of the marketing
Traces of Pan Africanism and African Nationalism in Africa Today
enrichment by the owners of finance capital - the combination of industrial and banking capital. For du Bois, simply creating Garvian businesses would change the faces of the exploiters from ‘white’ to ‘black.’ For Garvey, there was a kind of unifying
Federica Stagni and Daryl Glaser
the 2000s capital had little need of much of the population in former bantustan areas. The issue now is not whether the reserve areas subsidise the reproduction of labour for capital, but how the rural masses survive their increasing irrelevance to the
Reclaiming Political Agency through the Exercise of Courage
Grant M. Sharratt and Erik Wisniewski
( Arendt 2006: 120–141 ). These new modes of economic thought disrupted and dissociated individuals both from community life and from their common point of origin. Foucault describes these new modes in his discussion of the theory of human capital
The Impossibility Result
Elias L. Khalil
non-radical theorists conceive the basic institutions of capital–labour exchange in capitalist markets, that is based on just institutions. Is Exploitation Zero-sum? To establish the truth condition of an exploitation claim, must exploitation be a zero