Israeli middle class. Gradually, the new Ashkenazi immigrants joined the veterans, attaining their social status. Thus, a rigid ethnic and intergenerational dichotomy was formed. In this commonly accepted dichotomous frame of reference, Mapai’s government
A Socio-political Alliance with the Right
Avi Bareli and Uri Cohen
Between Knowledge of History and Historicising Knowledge
In this article I provide a critique of historiography in Near Eastern archaeology and argue that forms of narrating the past are by necessity always political in nature. Current writing styles have a bias towards the upper classes of the past. I use this insight to elaborate on new ways of writing that shift the focus to different subjects of history. As a case study, I analyse discourses about evidence from fourth millennium Mesopotamia. Finally, I point out some alternative ways to approach historiography by asking new questions about old topics.
In 2004, the beginning of the political year was marked by an intense
focus on the middle class. Even earlier, during the closing months
of the previous year, the public had been alerted to the middle class
as an issue by virtue of journalistic investigations documenting the
malaise of social groups, which, all things considered, had been supposed
to be in good or passable health up to that point. There was
talk of poverty among vulnerable sections of the population, but not
yet of the impoverishment of the middle classes. Whether or not the
middle class was indeed becoming poorer then became the main focus
of the discussion. In this chapter we shall try to see how the question
emerged, how far it corresponds with the facts, and, finally, its significance
for Italian politics. With this in mind, we shall be asking, in particular,
whether in future the crisis of the middle class is destined to be
an important topic and recognized as such in the political arena.
Class and Gender Dynamics among EU Civil Servants in Brussels
Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork between 2007 and 2011 in Brussels, this article shows how visual markers, class distinctions and classification of gender performances come together to create a ‘Euroclass’ among European civil servants. These markings, distinctions and classifications are denoted on bodily hexis and body performance and evoke stereotypes and essentialised representations of national cultures. However, after the enlargements of the EU in 2004 and 2007 they also reveal a postcolonial and imperial dynamic that perpetuates the division into ‘old’ and ‘new’ Europe and enables people from old member states to emerge as a different class that holds its cultural power firm in a dense political environment permeated by networks.
This study argues that the changing relationship between paid work, unpaid work and paid care work and social services, and the struggle over this relationship and its implications, constituted key factors in shaping the ‘state socialist’ gender regime in Hungary from 1949 to the 1980s. The study is based on a wealth of recent scholarship, original sources and Hungarian research conducted during the state socialist period. It tries to give a balanced and inclusive analysis of key elements of women’s and gender history in the state socialist project of ‘catching-up development’ in a semi-peripheral patriarchal society, pointing to constraints, challenges and results of this project. Due to the complex interaction of a variety of actors and factors impacting on and shaping the state socialist gender regime not all women were affected in the same way by state socialist politics and gender struggles. Women’s status and opportunities, as well as gender relations, differed according to class, ethnicity and economic sector. As a rule, the gender struggle over state socialist family and gender arrangements in Hungary sought to reduce or temper tensions and conflicts by avoiding substantial or direct attack against the privileges of men both within the home and elsewhere.
Women Workers and the 1906 Finnish Suffrage Victory
’s organizations supported wealth qualifications for the vote until the end of 1905. Decades before the emergence of theorizations of “intersectionality,” Finnish socialists simultaneously fought gender, national, and class domination. Most Western historians have
Brent E. Sasley
that can facilitate isolation in the ‘real world’. Another pattern, based on type of knowledge, is evident. In English-speaking countries, at least, most students who enroll in courses on Israel come to the class with little or no knowledge of the
Israel's Welfare History in a Non-European Comparative Perspective
emergence of the middle class as a social group and the strengthening of right-wing parties. If it was residual, one has to explain the consolidation of the social-democratic regime in the 1970s. Given that there is no shortage of research about this era
Social Class, Dressing Up, and Women's Self-Positioning in Socialist Slovenia
Following the communist takeover in Yugoslavia in 1945, a new middle class emerged with sufficient economic and cultural capital to be spent on material goods. This new class was defined primarily in cultural terms and less by socioeconomic
Generational and Class Dimensions of Men's Resistance to Women's Paid Employment in State-Socialist Poland (1956–1980)
, Mark Pittaway has explicitly related this resistance to “working-class masculinity.” 5 Recently, scholarship on men and masculinities in postwar Central and Eastern Europe has challenged the argument that state socialism did not attempt to reshape men