commitment to see nationalism as an epiphenomenon of class interests and a reluctance to accord veracity to nationalist modes of mobilisation. In Turner’s day the powerful African nationalism of the 1950s, represented by the mass action of the African
A History of Richard Turner’s Eclipse and Resurgence
Non-racialism is examined in relation to the concepts of race, generic humanism and universalism in order to establish conditions under which non-racialism can be implemented as an emancipatory concept. Denial of the salience or even the existence of the concept 'race' and also tendencies to organise on the basis of race essentialism are examined. It is accepted that race does not exist at an ontological level, in that it is not required for the constitution of the human subject. But race does exist historically and socially. To ignore its existence in addressing the question of non-racialism would be to deny the validity of the experience of racial inequality. At the same time, organisation on the basis of race, while sometimes motivated by strategic considerations, carries the danger of slippage and a permanent racialised identity. The post-1994 period is seen as opening the road to universalism and thus removing the basis for strategic essentialism.
Peter McLaren and Ramin Farahmandpur
As we lean into the gusty winds of the approaching millennium, squaring our shoulders and lowering our heads against an icy unknown, we discover much to our surprise that the future has already arrived; that it has silently imploded into the singularity of the present. We are lost in a crevice in the ‘wrong side’ of history, in a furious calm at the end of a century-old breath, doing solitary confinement in the future anterior. Time has inhaled so hard that it has lodged us in its lungs, compressing us into shadowy, ovaloid spectres out of the horror classic, Nosferatu. Capitalism has authored this moment, synchronising the heartbeat of the globe with the auto-copulatory rhythms of the marketplace; deregulating history; downsizing eternity.
Federica Stagni and Daryl Glaser
if Arab Palestinians represented 90 per cent of the population in 1920, they appeared only by association as ‘non-Jewish’ and ‘section of the population’ (29). Additionally, Palestine was classified as a Class A Mandate. According to the League of
Francesco Maria Scanni and Francesco Compolongo
production) and civil society (in which the hegemonic class maintains power through their control of symbolic and private apparatuses such as parties, unions and other organisations responsible for the creation and/or diffusion of ideologies) ( Caruso 2012
name, but his wife and intellectual partner, Foszia Fisher was not. In ‘Class Consciousness among Colonised Workers in South Africa’ Fisher offered her own reflections – and perhaps those of Turner as well 4 – on the relationship between the Durban
On Tormey, Krastev and Rosanvallon
the archetypal figure behind the protests is the ‘graduate without a future’. However, it is Fukuyama's contention that the various waves of protest are the triumph of liberal democracy and the product of a global expansion of the middle class that is
Their 'Revisionism' Reviewed
Friedrich Engels, in 1895, reissued Marx's 'The Class Struggles in France 1848-1850' (1850), with an Introduction endorsing peaceful political tactics. We review the primary evidence to bring order to a confusing picture that emerges from a range of conflicting interpretations of the document. Our conclusions are as follows: First, the 1895 Introduction does not signify a new position, considering Engels' recognition over several decades of political concessions by the British ruling class. Secondly, since from the 1840s Marx too had applauded the potential of the 'Social Democratic' route, at least under the appropriate conditions, we may be confident that he would have approved of Engels' Introduction. Thirdly, the case for universal suffrage was to set the foundations for a classless communist system; Engels, we show, would have found unacceptable a Parliamentary system generating a working-class majority unwilling to carry out a communist program, or a working-class electorate choosing to replace the party at the polls.
Anthony Egan SJ and Ricardo de São João
Race, Class and Power: Harold Wolpe and the Radical Critique of Apartheid, by Steven Friedman. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2015. ISBN 978-1-86914-286-5.
Jan Smuts and the Indian Question, by Vineet Thakur. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2017. ISBN 978-1-86914-378-7.
In La Barrière et le Niveau (1925), the French philosopher Edmond Goblot applied a logic of quality to the social world. The major thesis which Goblot defended at that time was: having no titles or property, the bourgeois class constructed itself superficially through value judgements, building upon commonly shared appreciations, however intrinsically contradictory they may be. If we accept this logical reading found in La Barrière et le Niveau, then two different types of paralogism, useful for sociological theory, merit consideration: paralogisms of criteria and paralogisms of judgement. When interpreted in this way, Goblot’s work presents a threefold theoretical interest: it associates logic and sociology in an original way; it illustrates the heuristic relevance of a social ontology approach, and it provides a grid of sociocultural analysis of the social classes which is still relevant today.