After the collapse of the former Soviet Union two decades ago, Russia’s new capitalists moved the industrial complexes from the city centres to the suburbs. These complexes had once provided lairs for Moscow’s free-ranging dogs, a large and shifting feral population that had excited comment from the mid-nineteenth century. Faced in the 1990s with an abruptly changing socio-economic urban topography, the dogs had to relocate their sleeping areas to the city outskirts— but their best scavenging grounds remained the urban hub. So the new running dogs of capitalism—both human and canine—were faced with the same mobility question: how to negotiate transport from domicile to place of employment and back again with maximum efficiency. Astonishingly, a few dogs learned how to jump on fixed subway routes to get to the centre in the morning. Once within the city, the dogs discovered how to use traffic lights to cross the road safely, crossing not with the colour—which they found hard to judge because of their dichromatic vision—but with the changing outline and position of the signal. Then, in the evenings, they became skilled at leaping onto the correct train home, just like their human counterparts. Observers note that these canine commuters sometimes fall asleep and have to get off at the wrong stop, just like weary human commuters.
How Social Workers Influence What It Means to Be a Refused Asylum Seeker
Kathryn Tomko Dennler
, precluding access to employment, mainstream benefits, and asylum support, making it very difficult for them to meet their basic needs. Most receive no statutory support whatsoever ( Refugee Council 2012 ), while some receive housing and food vouchers under
Richard Meissner and Jeroen Warner
depoliticize ideas to the point where they become backgrounded. The ideas are then so accepted that their existence is forgotten, even though they structure people's thoughts about the economy, policy, and society. Employment of public philosophies or
Joshua Hotaka Roth
Many Japanese workers in lower-paying positions were drawn to the growing trucking sector in the 1950s and 1960s, characterized by contingency and the thrill of risk and reward, in contrast to the stasis of lifetime employment guarantees emerging in other sectors of the economy. The gamified reward structure in trucking, however, led to a spike in traffic accidents and a backlash against “kamikaze trucks.” Only after regulations and enforcement limited the most dangerous kinds of incentives did meaningful forms of play emerge at work from the bottom up, rather than the stultified forms imposed by businesses from the top down.
Comment on the Special Section on Cultural Appropriation
“Appropriation“ is a complex term used in many different realms, and an almost ubiquitous phenomenon. Conceptually linked to questions of mobility, appropriation has both a social and physical dimension. This essay delineates the term's employment in key political and academic discourses, and interrogates its inherent logic with regard to possession, the attribution of purpose and value, and the social reciprocity of the parties involved in the act. Starting off with questions of just distribution in modern nation-states, the argument then traces appropriation in contemporary debates on copyright in a digital age, and provides a sketch of the larger political imaginary informing acts of appropriation.
The limits of welfare in regional cohesion debates
Harlan Koff and Carmen Maganda
This first issue of Volume Four of Regions & Cohesion continues a trend of articles that gained momentum in Volume Three, focusing on the territorial aspects of welfare in social cohesion debates. The Summer 2013 issue of the journal presented a collection of articles that specifically discussed the role of borders and border policies in social cohesion politics. Although this collection was not intended to be presented as a thematically specific issue, the simultaneous arrival of these pieces highlighted the importance of borders in defining the territorial limits of cohesion and the ensuing renegotiation of these limits in political debates. For example, the article by Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O’Donoghue focused on the impacts of the European Union’s social security coordination policy on the welfare of cross-border workers in Belgium and Luxembourg. The article illustrated the limits of this regional policy as cross-border workers do not receive equal treatment compared to domestic workers in the country of employment. Similarly, an article by Franz Clément in the same issue analyzed the “socio-political representation” of cross-border workers and discusses how such workers can mobilize for socioeconomic rights in institutions aimed at worker protection (such as professional associations, trade unions, etc.). Both articles show that despite formal regionalization of legislation concerning social rights and representation, national boundaries clearly present challenges to cross-border workers who have difficulty negotiating rights in both their country of employment and country of residence.
Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O'Donoghue
English abstract: This article aims to assess the impact of the social security coordination policy on the welfare of mobile workers, defined here as the EU citizens who had previously worked in another EU country than the one where they currently reside. The following research question is investigated: "To whom does a mobile worker need to be compared: to a worker in their country of residence (domestic) or to an earner in their country of employment (mobile), and why?" The article seeks to identify the counterpart group of comparison of mobile earners, taking the case of Luxembourg and Belgium. This analysis enables us to disentangle the effects of coordination policy on more working groups, and it tries to elucidate the importance of inter-group comparison. The results illustrate that the most equally treated groups are domestic earners and mobile earners, who reside in the same country. The most unequally treated are mobile earners and domestic earners from the country of employment, the uneven contribution premiums and unemployment benefit contravenes with the principle of equal treatment praxis.
Spanish abstract: El presente artículo busca evaluar el impacto de la política de coordinación de la seguridad social sobre el bienestar de los trabajadores móviles. Mediante el análisis de la cuestión ¿con quién se debe comparar un trabajador móvil?: ¿con un trabajador nacional en su país de residencia o con un trabajador móvil en el país donde trabaja, y por qué?, se trata de identificar la situación hipotética de los trabajadores móviles mediante la comparación de los ingresos de los trabajadores nacionales y móviles en el desempleo. Este análisis nos permitirá separar los efectos de las políticas de coordinación en más grupos de trabajadores, ya que trata de dilucidar el uso de las comparaciones de los diferentes grupos de trabajadores. Los resultados muestran que el nivel de las prestaciones de desempleo entre los trabajadores nacionales y móviles, es relativamente el mismo. Al mismo tiempo, aparecen grandes discrepancias en las ganancias cuando se comparan a los trabajadores móviles con los trabajadores de su país de empleo. En este caso, la desigual contribución a las primas/beneficios y las bajas prestaciones al desempleo de los trabajadores móviles y nacionales, contraviene con la práctica del principio de igualdad de trato.
French abstract: Cet article a pour objectif d'évaluer l'impact de la politique de coordination de la sécurité sociale sur le bien-être des travailleurs mobiles en posant la question de savoir avec qui il faut les comparer. Faut-il comparer un employé mobile à un employé fixe travaillant dans son pays de résidence ou bien dans son pays d'emploi et pourquoi? Nous cherchons à me re en relief la situation hypothétique des travailleurs mobiles en comparant le revenu des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles au chômage. Cette analyse nous perme ra de mieux saisir les effets de la politique de coordination sur un grand nombre de travailleurs, tout comme elle nous permettra de montrer l'utilité qu'il y a de comparer ces différents groupes de travailleurs. Le résultat montre que le montant de l'allocation chômage est relativement similaire entre celui d'un travailleur fixe et mobile. Par ailleurs, on relève d'importantes différences entre le revenu des travailleurs mobiles et celui des travailleurs nationaux. Dans ce cas, la cotisation inégale aux primes et indemnités de chômage des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles contredit le principe d'égalité de traitement entre les personnes.
Consolidating efforts towards an equitable society
Shirlita Africa Espinosa
From the back alleys of Madrid to the financial capital of Singapore, the migration of peoples either to flee persecution or to pursue a high-stakes transnational job is a global phenomenon. One may even say that the one permanent presence these days is a temporary migrant. The mobility of workers—and the mobility that characterizes the social world in which they live—has always had an economic interpretation manifesting in the antagonism of locals against labor migrants. The issue of migration and the attendant discourses of citizenship, social cohesion, population, resource sharing, employment, criminality, and cultural differences, to mention a few, are a common specter often raised for political maneuvering. To use the migrant subject as a scapegoat for sundry social and economic ills of the “host” society—a term that perpetuates the stereotype of the migrant as parasitical, thus, creating a fitting formula for those who hold power—is integral to the production of their subjectivity as an unwanted sector of a society. Nevertheless, the centrality of migration today in the creation of wealth in advanced economies is very much tied to the role that migrants play in the development strategies of their own nations. Through the billions of dollars transferred through remi ances, migration is regarded as the vehicle of development for countries in the South. But if exporting cheap and temporary labor remains inexpensive as it continues to support the growth of industrialized countries both in the manufacturing and service sectors, including the domestic and affective spheres of the home, then how does migration specifically drive the development of sending countries?
The Position of “the South” and “South-South Migration” in Policy and Programmatic Responses to Different Forms of Migration
An Interview with Francesco Carella
Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh and Francesco Carella
strategy on this. 6 Since then, a series of initiatives have been promoted by the ILO in the lead-up to its centenary, which was celebrated throughout 2019. For instance, a panel discussion on “The Future of Work, Youth Employment and South
A reflection of the quality of education for migrant and marginalized Roma children in Europe
Silvia-Maria Chireac and Anna Devis Arbona
. Substantial numbers of Roma population have migrated westwards, especially when in 2007 approximately 4.5 million more Roma became EU citizens. Consequently, the issue of Roma inclusion in education, employment and health generated more attention for EU member