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Michael Contarino

On 22 December 1998, the centre-left Italian government and

thirty-two social partners signed the Patto Sociale per lo sviluppo e

l’occupazione, a complex agreement with the stated objective of

boosting economic growth and employment, especially in Italy’s

South. This agreement, signed officially on 1 February 1999, was

the last of three national accords of the 1990s which have explicitly

embraced a model of economic governance based upon concertation

among the so-called ‘social partners’. The previous two

agreements, the September 1996 accord on labour market reform

and the July 1993 agreement on collective bargaining and incomes

policy, had both embodied the concertational approach, and the

1993 accord in particular had been of undeniable importance to

Italy’s successful effort to reduce inflation and meet the Maastricht

treaty’s convergence criteria.

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Paolo Onofri

During 2002, total employment in Italy rose by 1.4 percent compared

with the previous year, while GDP increased by 0.4 percent. Figures

for the other European countries were very different, however: a

growth of 0.7 percent in GDP was accompanied by only a slight rise

in total employment of 0.3 percent. The peculiarity of the Italian

economy from this point of view could be seen, paradoxically, as a

change from a phase during which growth in GDP failed to generate

additional employment (1996–1998) to one in which the stagnation

of production did not prevent the continued growth in employment

that had previously been triggered. Moreover, the additional employment

created in 2001 was less precarious than it had been before.

That is, the newly employed included a higher percentage of full-time

workers than had been the case in previous years: 92 percent of the

newly employed in 2001 were full-time employees, compared with 96

percent in 2002.

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Migrant Care Workers in Israel

Between Family, Market, and State

Hila Shamir

In the early 1990s, Israel opened its gates to migrant guest workers who were invited to work, on a temporary basis, in the agriculture, construction, and in-home care sectors. The in-home care sector developed quickly during those years due to the introduction of migrant workers coupled with the creation of a new welfare state benefit: a longterm care benefit that subsidized the employment of in-home care workers to assist dependent elderly and disabled Israelis. This article examines the legal and public policy ramifications of the transformation of Israeli families caused by the influx of migrant care workers into Israeli homes. Exploring the relationship between welfare, immigration, and employment laws, on the one hand, and marketized and non-marketized care relationships, on the other, it reveals the intimate links between public policy, 'private' families, and defamilialization processes.

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Georg Picot and Arianna Tassinari

Reform of the labor market has long been an important and controversial policy area in Italy, and it was one of Matteo Renzi's core concerns when he took up the leadership of the Democratic Party. This chapter recounts the main changes in Italian labor market policy since the 1990s before discussing the Jobs Act, which started as a highly publicized reform project concentrating on changes to public employment services and unemployment benefits, but which the left strongly challenged when dismissal protection was later weakened.

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Mita Marra

In the last two years, a new period of reform has charged the Italian

public administration system with three principal objectives: modernizing

its organizational structure at the national and local levels,

reorganizing public employment, and improving the services rendered

by public institutions. To this end, the year 2009 signaled the initial

intensification of policies promoted by Minister Renato Brunetta—initiatives

that had been in the developmental stages in 2008. The reform

spirit of the government has given life to a first series of measures that

are urgently needed to remedy some of the most evident and critical

weaknesses in the public apparatus, such as absenteeism. At the same

time, these initiatives have been accompanied by the definition of the

principles and boundaries that will guide the process, as provided for

in Law No. 15 of 2009. This law came about in response to Legislative

Decree No. 150/2009, regarding the reorganization of public employment

and collective bargaining in the public sector.

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“I Earn, Therefore I Exist”

Impoverished Bedouin Mothers Who Become Entrepreneurs

Nuzha Allassad Alhuzail

The changes among Bedouin in the Negev since the establishment of the State of Israel have had far-reaching implications for Bedouin women and their families. Bedouin women are marginalized, excluded from public life and the labor market. This exacerbates the economic inequality between Arabs and Jews, institutionalized, inter alia, in the 'Arab enclave', which lacks industrialization and is allocated fewer resources. This is a qualitative study among 20 Bedouin women raising large families and living in poverty who participated in SAWA, a microfinance program established by the Koret Foundation in Israel. It examines the process undergone by these women who succeeded in creating employment for themselves and for family members, thus raising their status within the family. Their contribution to the family income also improved their relationship with their husbands and other members of their family.

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Maoz Rosenthal

abstract

Parliaments channel legislation efforts and oversight functions to parliamentary committees in order for them to transform policy ideas into agreed-upon policies and then monitor their implementation. Committees play a major role in the policymaking process when they possess agenda-setting powers over the bills they process and through their employment of oversight capacities. The rules that construct checks and balances between the government and Israel’s Knesset potentially minimize the Knesset committees’ agenda-setting influence. Nevertheless, Knesset committee chairs strategically use their institutional powers to affect committee deliberations through bargaining and dynamic agenda setting. Consequently, Knesset committees play a major role in the policy process due to bargaining rather than through institutional rules.

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Patrik Vesan

This chapter analyzes some of the major labor reforms implemented by the Renzi government in 2015 in relation to youth employment, with reference to the Jobs Act. The strategy pursued by the executive has been to concentrate on combating the segmentation of the labor market by liberalizing individual and collective dismissals and by introducing a new type of contract, which offers a generous incentive for new permanent hires. The main goal of this strategy is to decrease the divisions between insiders and outsiders in the hope that this measure will encourage employers to stabilize workers, especially the younger ones, and invest in the development of human capital. Such a strategy, however, rests on weak foundations, which might call into question its effectiveness and with it the stability of Renzi’s leadership.

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Giliberto Capano and Marco Giuliani

During the course of 2002, political news frequently focused on the

formal procedures and the informal dynamics of the workings of the

Italian Parliament. In a number of striking cases—international letters

“rogatory,” false accounting, “legitimate suspicion,” the “objective

law,” the conflict of interests, the law of delegation on employment,

the sending of troops abroad, and so on—journalists have had to

adapt their vocabulary, usually very careful of internal party and interparty

equilibria but superficial when it comes to parliamentary matters,

to the novelty of the subject at hand. However, it is not only

because of these headline stories that the country’s most important

representative institution deserves closer analysis. Parliament and its

relationship with the second Berlusconi government have created a

series of expectations over the past year: a form of political bi-polarity

free of “underhanded dealings” and “about-turns”; a tough battle

between a government coalition comforted by its parliamentary

majority and an opposition reunited in its struggle against the common

enemy.

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Matteo Jessoula

On 24 July 2009, in reaction to a ruling by the European Court of

Justice regarding the different retirement ages for men and women

in the public employment sector, the Italian government introduced

further “subtractive” (or consolidating) reforms to the pension sector

(after the series of measures that were adopted starting in 1992), in

order to equilibrate the conditions of access to retirement between

the two sexes. At the same time, the saving in expenditure obtained

through pension reform was directed to the social assistance sector,

traditionally atrophied in Italy and even today very undeveloped in

comparative perspective. This is of particular interest in light of the

noteworthy, and anomalous, imbalance of the Italian welfare state to

the benefit of the retirement system for the protection of the el