This article exposes criterial bases of the development of social quality in the USSR and Russia. The causes of the increased volatility of the state-monopoly capitalism emerging in Russia from the 1990s and in the first decade of the twenty-first century are analyzed. Characteristics of social quality such as a high proportion of low-paid employees, a low standard of living and a high economic inequality are considered. The impact of the precarity of employment on these processes is demonstrated. Risk factors of precarity of employment such as type of labor contract, form of employment, working conditions and wages (in particular, volatility and discreteness of payments) are analyzed. The evaluation of scale of the precarity of employment in the formal sector in Russia is made; the distribution of workers in precarity of employment by kinds of economic activity and the deviation of their average wages are introduced. Overcoming the instability of development is linked to the transition to a society of people-humanistic socialism.
A Look at Russia
Vyacheslav Nikolayevitch Bobkov, Olesya Veredyuk, and Ulvi Aliyev
On 22 December 1998, the centre-left Italian government and
thirty-two social partners signed the Patto Sociale per lo sviluppo e
l’occupazione, a complex agreement with the stated objective of
boosting economic growth and employment, especially in Italy’s
South. This agreement, signed officially on 1 February 1999, was
the last of three national accords of the 1990s which have explicitly
embraced a model of economic governance based upon concertation
among the so-called ‘social partners’. The previous two
agreements, the September 1996 accord on labour market reform
and the July 1993 agreement on collective bargaining and incomes
policy, had both embodied the concertational approach, and the
1993 accord in particular had been of undeniable importance to
Italy’s successful effort to reduce inflation and meet the Maastricht
treaty’s convergence criteria.
Reducing Work Risks Stemming from the Market Economy in Northeast Thailand
Shinsuke Tomita, Mario Ivan Lopez, and Yasuyuki Kono
consumables ( Statista 2018 ; WBG 2018 ). Since the 1990s, Thai’s urban centers have expanded placing pressure on young people in rural areas to migrate to urban areas in search of employment. Disparities in wealth and income distribution have been a major
During 2002, total employment in Italy rose by 1.4 percent compared
with the previous year, while GDP increased by 0.4 percent. Figures
for the other European countries were very different, however: a
growth of 0.7 percent in GDP was accompanied by only a slight rise
in total employment of 0.3 percent. The peculiarity of the Italian
economy from this point of view could be seen, paradoxically, as a
change from a phase during which growth in GDP failed to generate
additional employment (1996–1998) to one in which the stagnation
of production did not prevent the continued growth in employment
that had previously been triggered. Moreover, the additional employment
created in 2001 was less precarious than it had been before.
That is, the newly employed included a higher percentage of full-time
workers than had been the case in previous years: 92 percent of the
newly employed in 2001 were full-time employees, compared with 96
percent in 2002.
The Case of the Migration Policy Regime in Thailand
The paper examines the migration policy regime in Thailand using a human security lens. It suggests that insecurities experienced by migrants are partly caused or exacerbated by a migration policy regime, consisting of migration laws and regulations and non-migration related policies and programs, that pushes migrants into irregular forms of mobility and insecure employment options. These effects are worse for women migrants who have fewer resources to access legal channels while they are relegated to insecure employment in the reproductive or informal sectors. Using a gender and human security analysis, therefore, reveals how the migration policy regime, often informed by a restrictive national security approach, can clash with the human security needs of migrants by creating a large pool of unprotected irregular migrants with women occupying the most vulnerable forms of employment. In conclusion, it is suggested that this ‘en-gendering’ of human insecurities could be overcome if gender equality was designed into policies and guided their implementation.
Generational and Class Dimensions of Men’s Resistance to Women’s Paid Employment in State-Socialist Poland (1956–1980)
Through the use of selected contemporary sociological research and prolific collections of largely unpublished memoirs, this article analyzes men’s attitudes toward the paid employment of women—particularly married women—in post-Stalinist Poland. The personal narratives reveal an increasing acceptance of women’s work outside the household over time and across generations. A significant shift in Polish men’s attitudes to a greater acceptance of women’s paid employment took place in the younger generation, born in the 1930s and 1940s and socialized after World War II. However, hostile attitudes of working-class men toward working women persisted, based on a continuing aspiration to uphold the male breadwinner family model.
Three Remarks for Kindling a Debate
Social rights were to be the completion of the citizenship status of all members within a political community. Through a variety of causes (their entanglement with the goals of full employment and the welfare state, the complexities of the political project of the European Union, and conceptual confusion) the development of these rights has been arrested. The article sketches some of the origins of the present predicament of (social) rights and (social) citizenship. The article is informed by the hope that the arguments it puts forward may contribute to a renewed discussion on the necessity and promises of an EU form of citizenship that is worth instituting and emulating.
Georg Picot and Arianna Tassinari
Reform of the labor market has long been an important and controversial policy area in Italy, and it was one of Matteo Renzi's core concerns when he took up the leadership of the Democratic Party. This chapter recounts the main changes in Italian labor market policy since the 1990s before discussing the Jobs Act, which started as a highly publicized reform project concentrating on changes to public employment services and unemployment benefits, but which the left strongly challenged when dismissal protection was later weakened.
Giliberto Capano and Marco Giuliani
During the course of 2002, political news frequently focused on the
formal procedures and the informal dynamics of the workings of the
Italian Parliament. In a number of striking cases—international letters
“rogatory,” false accounting, “legitimate suspicion,” the “objective
law,” the conflict of interests, the law of delegation on employment,
the sending of troops abroad, and so on—journalists have had to
adapt their vocabulary, usually very careful of internal party and interparty
equilibria but superficial when it comes to parliamentary matters,
to the novelty of the subject at hand. However, it is not only
because of these headline stories that the country’s most important
representative institution deserves closer analysis. Parliament and its
relationship with the second Berlusconi government have created a
series of expectations over the past year: a form of political bi-polarity
free of “underhanded dealings” and “about-turns”; a tough battle
between a government coalition comforted by its parliamentary
majority and an opposition reunited in its struggle against the common
This chapter analyzes some of the major labor reforms implemented by the Renzi government in 2015 in relation to youth employment, with reference to the Jobs Act. The strategy pursued by the executive has been to concentrate on combating the segmentation of the labor market by liberalizing individual and collective dismissals and by introducing a new type of contract, which offers a generous incentive for new permanent hires. The main goal of this strategy is to decrease the divisions between insiders and outsiders in the hope that this measure will encourage employers to stabilize workers, especially the younger ones, and invest in the development of human capital. Such a strategy, however, rests on weak foundations, which might call into question its effectiveness and with it the stability of Renzi’s leadership.