his moral theory renders it relevantly African. And, when it is compared to extant (individualistic) attempts to capture African ethics, Metz considers his account to be (more) plausible insofar as it best captures moral intuitions prevalent below the
A Critique of Thad Metz’s ‘Towards an African Moral Theory’
Derek Edyvane and Demetris Tillyris
‘The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing’. -Archilochus quoted in Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox, 22
The fragment from the Greek poet Archilochus, quoted in Isaiah Berlin’s essay ‘The Hedgehog and the Fox’, serves as a metaphor for the long-standing contrast and rivalry between two radically different approaches to public ethics, each of which is couched in a radically different vision of the structure of moral value. On the one hand, the way of the hedgehog corresponds to the creed of value monism, reflecting a faith in the ultimate unity of the moral universe and belief in the singularity, tidiness and completeness of moral and political purposes. On the other hand, the way of the fox corresponds to the nemesis of monism, the philosophical tradition of value pluralism, to which this collection of essays is devoted. This dissenting countermovement, which emerges most clearly in the writings of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire, Bernard Williams and John Gray, is fuelled by an appreciation of the perpetuity of plurality and conflict and, correspondingly, by the conviction that visions of moral unity and harmony are incoherent and implausible. In the view of the value pluralists, ‘there is no completeness and no perfection to be found in morality’ (Hampshire 1989a: 177).
Michael W. Doyle
In a widely cited and controversial speech, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan highlighted the moral character of the boundaries of political sovereignty when he questioned whether respecting national sovereignty everywhere and always precluded the international protection of human rights. He argued that it did not and highlighted the importance of multilateral authorization. In this article, I explore the difference that multilateral authority, as opposed to unilateral national decision, should make in justifying armed intervention. Should the more salient role of the United Nations lead us to a more expansive tolerance of international intervention? And, if multilateralism does make a difference—and many think its impartiality is key—are good intentions enough? Had the international community also discovered how to intervene more effectively, with a better prospect of self-sustaining self-determination, at an acceptable humanitarian cost? I will conclude that multilateralism should widen our acceptance of intervention, even though the intentions at play are not reliably superior to unilateral intentions.
Andreea Deciu Ritivoi
Before identifying the roles of women writers and intellectuals in the current political climate in Eastern Europe, and particularly in Romania, let me first qualify the climate itself, as I see it.1 Over a decade a er the collapse of communism, the political situation in Romania is still very much a transitional one, defined by competing cultural and moral codes, widespread societal mistrust (intensified by the recent scandals surrounding collaboration with the political police, the Securitate) and anxiety about the future. In this context, women intellectuals in Romania have o en found themselves in difficult positions, accused by their more established male colleagues of trying to introduce new intellectual concepts and values on the cultural market for the sole purpose of drawing attention to themselves, opportunistically and in a facile manner.
Since its inception, the discipline of International Relations has struggled to establish the rigour of its methodological base in the academy, and it has struggled to establish whether and how it might have any moral place in the world. At the end of the millennium both struggles have reached a high point. Methodologically, the discipline has begun a trans-Atlantic separation. On the one hand there has been a U.S. emphasis on neo-realism and neo-liberalism, which in both its categorisations and its positivistic tendencies is not a considerable departure from the inter-war debate between realists and idealists. On the other hand there has been a British concern not only for a ‘historicised’ discipline, but for the intellectual history of the discipline itself. Steve Smith has written on ten self-images that International Relations has held.
In Italy, a public debate about the death of Eluana Englaro was set in
motion that eventually extended itself to all of the problems related
to living wills. The controversy that developed around these events
represents a case of applied public ethics that involved moral problems
related to public policy decisions. The debate demonstrates
how such (bio)ethical questions have now become priorities on
the political agenda. Decision-makers are constantly called upon to
decide and intervene in very complex and difficult environments,
both at the beginning of life (such as the debate over Law No. 40
in relation to assisted fertilization and that relative to the abortion
pill RU-486) and at the end of life. Until only a short time ago, these
environments were strictly relegated to an individual, family, or
A New Epoch of Cosmopolitanism for Larger Freedom?
Since the mid-1990s, the international norms for global development have been redefined under non-governmental organizations’ (NGOs) critical e-mobilizations, powered by new media. International governmental organizations (IGOs) have been forced to make policy adjustments or concessions, resulting in new IGOs-NGOs policy regimes for consultative consensus building and for protecting people’s economic, social, and cultural rights (ESC) for enhancing social quality. This paper examines the emerging cosmopolitanism in the information age, focusing on NGOs’ advocacy networks, to understand the new media-enhanced participatory regime for global governance. It also illustrates a new form of social participation, as promoted by social quality theory, in the age of e-globalization and the information society. The paper has five parts. After outlining the globalization project threatening ESC rights, the second section examines critical engagements of NGOs and IGOs for human rights promotion. Parts three and four discuss, respectively, the struggles for ESC rights in shaping new ethics and norms for global development, and the variations of new social media mobilization. The paper ends with critical remarks on the project for larger freedom and human rights for all.
-ownership (Locke), while for justice as impartiality it was with fairness and luck-egalitarianism. But sometimes this conversion fails to materialise, and a dominant principle in ethics does not find an equivalent principle in social justice: virtue ethics is a
Explaining the Rise of Corporate Social Responsibility in China
Ka Lin, Dan Banik, and Longfei Yi
The corporate social responsibility (CSR) agenda, which was developed and consolidated in the West, became particularly influential as the basis for business ethics and company morale at the start of the new millennium. As reported, almost 90
A Commentary on Jeff Jackson
William R. Caspary
publicly endorsing direct action in relation to this event or any other (see, e.g., Ryan 1995: 161 ; Westbrook 1991: 167). Discussing labor organizing, in the revised Ethics , Dewey and Tufts write: “When employer and workman become engaged in bitter