belief that “discrimination against the Arab minority could endanger our struggle against anti-Jewish discrimination.” 12 AJC officials specifically feared that Israel’s treatment of the Arab minority would be used against American Jews amidst rising pro
The American Jewish Committee and Israel’s Palestinian Minority, 1948–1966
Geoffrey P. Levin
The Israeli Television Series Fauda
Nurith Gertz and Raz Yosef
mourning, as their source lies not only in past events, but also in the fear of events yet to happen. Thus, “trauma would no longer be the attempt to recover and reconstitute a past, but a way of being detained in anticipatory waiting” (ibid.: 41). In other
Is Israeli democracy in danger? One often hears nowadays that it is. It is worth recalling how often, and how confidently, this has been asserted in the past. Since May 1977, when the right-wing religious coalition first came to power, it has been claimed repeatedly that Israel’s democracy is deteriorating and some form of clerical fascism is emerging. In the aftermath of the 1977 election a member of the outgoing Labor government burned his papers, fearing what might happen if they fall into the new regime’s hands. These fears, then, were not confined to some radical fringe. In a somewhat less dramatic fashion I shared and voiced them too.
Socio-legal Taboos on Same-Sex Parenting and Their Impact on Children's Well-Being
This article questions the way in which the 'child's best interests' test is applied by Israeli courts in cases of children of same-sex parents. It argues that the reluctance to recognize same-sex parenting indicates that the child's best interests is a politicized concept, which looks at heterosexual ideology rather than at the child's specific circumstances. This ideology views the opposite-sex parental model as the ideal model and thus is wary of recognizing same-sex parenting because it also entails recognition of same-sex relationships. I identify this prejudice against same-sex relationships and parenting as the product of what I term cultural and legal 'heterophilia'. To the extent that the objections of judges and social workers to same-sex parenting (pursuant to this ideology) are based on fears of actual harm caused to the children because of their parents' sexual orientation, they are the product of homophobia.
The Shaping of a Community-Building Discourse among Israeli Pagans
This article charts the recent development of Modern Paganism in Israel (1999–2012) and analyzes the discourse maintained by Israeli modern-day Pagans when discussing questions of organization and of religious-political rights. As such it deals with the complexities of identifying oneself as a (Jewish-born) Pagan in Israel, the nation state of the Jewish people. I argue that although Israeli Pagans may employ a community-building discourse, they constantly fear the perceived negative consequences of public exposure. They see the bond between (Jewish) religion and the state in Israel as a main factor in the intolerance and even persecution that they expect from the government and from Haredim (“ultra-Orthodox” Jews). The result of this discourse during the first ten years or so of the presence of Modern Paganism in Israel can be seen through the metaphor of a dance, in which participants advance two steps, only to retreat one.
This article explores themes in the political education and indoctrination of soldiers in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) during the 1948 War. It argues that the army command attempted to advance the notion that a form of militarism rooted in Judaism was the only way to win the war. Education officers explained to soldiers that 'the Jewish tradition' sanctioned the eradication of the invading armies and indifference to the fate of Palestinians. The article also traces the influence of Abba Kovner's lurid propaganda on the rest of the IDF's education apparatus. Kovner, the education officer of the Givati Brigade, believed that hate propaganda made killing the enemy easier, and his views were shared by many other education officers who saw his work as a road-map for the entire military. Nevertheless, there were some officers who opposed his work out of fear for the consequences that it would have on the future of Israeli society.
Yoram Peri and Paul L. Scham
without fear of libel law. When Chancellor Angela Merkel of the CDU heard about her own party's new coalition partner in Thuringia, she was publicly shocked and distressed. AfD and other extremist parties have long been considered beyond the pale in
the emphasis on loyalty he had inscribed, were paramount. He had to make considerable efforts to sustain Gahal in the turbulence of the 1970s, and he feared the cost that he and his party would have to pay by joining forces with other political
A Comparative View
sacred precinct. In the background were the wars against the Crusaders and the fear that they would return. Unlike the mosques in Mecca and Medina, al-Masjid al-Aqsa was not ensconced in an Islamic environment. On the contrary, it was located in a
Sderot and Sha’ar Hanegev
. Sderot suffered from spatial, ethnic, economic, and institutional separation and isolation from the kibbutzim ( Bar-On 2013 ). According to Kimmerling (1983) , the separation derived from the fear of loss of control by the kibbutzim over a large public