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Vanessa Stjernborg, Mekonnen Tesfahuney, and Anders Wretstrand

This study focuses on Seved, a segregated and socioeconomically “poor” neighborhood in the city of Malmö in Sweden. It has attracted wide media coverage, a possible consequence of which is its increased stigmatization. The wide disparity between perceived or imagined fear and the actual incidence of, or exposure to, violence attests to the important role of the media in shaping mental maps and place images. Critical discourse analysis of daily newspaper articles shows that Seved is predominantly construed as unruly and a place of lawlessness. Mobility comprises an important aspect of the stigmatization of places, the politics of fear, and discourses of the “other.” In turn, place stigmatization, discourses of the other, and the politics of fear directly and indirectly affect mobility strategies of individuals and groups.

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Places of Otherness

Comparing Eastleigh, Nairobi, and Xiaobei, Guangzhou, as Sites of South-South Migration

Neil Carrier and Gordon Mathews

view both of these neighborhoods with trepidation as well as with a degree of attraction: just as Kenyans both fear Eastleigh and buy goods in Eastleigh, so too many Chinese in Guangzhou view Xiaobei with apprehension as a site of developing

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Mette Louise Berg, Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, and Johanna Waters

team, 2020 has brought significant barriers. We have feared for the safety of our loved ones; grieved unbearable losses, often from afar; faced different forms of containment; and sought to, somehow, find the time and energy to care for our loved ones

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Diverse Driving Emotions

Exploring Chinese Migrants’ Mobilities in a Car-Dependent City

Sophie-May Kerr, Natascha Klocker, and Gordon Waitt

associated car driving with discomfort and fear. Her embodied response to driving presents a stark counterpoint to representations of Australia as a “nation of proud car owners.” 2 Chen’s words are illustrative of what we address in this article: that

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Mette Louise Berg, Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, and Johanna Waters

and policies have increasingly aimed to “control,” “manage,” “contain,” and “prevent” migration, the need for careful attention to migrants’ everyday practices, desires, aspirations, and fears is particularly urgent, as is the importance of situating

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Migration as Survival

Withheld Stories and the Limits of Ethnographic Knowability

Gerhild Perl

embedded in the afterlife of the Spanish national imaginary of al-Andalus and the resurging fear of the Moorish Other. Migration as Survival During my fieldwork in Spain and Morocco between 2014 and 2016, I repeatedly listened to migrants

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Media Ecologies of Autonomous Automobility

Gendered and Racial Dimensions of Future Concept Cars

Julia M. Hildebrand and Mimi Sheller

, that is, “family models,” in their responsibilities as mother and housewife. 52 Men, however, would be drawn to “the ‘Top Gear’ fast sports car or the impractical ‘classic car.’” 53 Second, the concept car visions also try to allay fears of the more

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Gijs Mom, Georgine Clarsen, Liz Millward, Dorit Müller, Mimi Sheller, and Heike Weber

The fluidity of modernity has surely reached the outskirts of the earth when even the new Pope Franciscus admonishes his cardinals that “our life is a journey and when we stop there is something wrong. […] If one does not walk, one gets stuck.” The current economic crisis has enhanced the fear of congestion and the interruption of flows: the circulation of capital in the first instance, but also of people and stuff, and of ideas and knowledge. It is time to rethink mobility.

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Maritel Yanes Pérez, Luis Roberto Canto Valdés, and Dora Elia Ramos Muñoz


Homicide is a demographic, social, economic, legal, health problem that affects the quality of life of the population, erodes the economy and citizen security, causes fear and generates impunity. The main victims in Mexico are young people and this research focuses on the integrated southeast including five states: Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco and Yucatán. This research addresses the phenomenon in question, the variations in 2010-2017 homicide rates and their relation to the gender of the victim, identifying different types and modalities of homicides. The authors highlight differences in gender conditions and victimization typologies, which can help to generate homicide prevention strategies in the Mexican southeast.


El homicidio es un problema demográfico, social, económico, jurídico y de salud que afecta la calidad de vida de la población, erosiona la economía y la seguridad ciudadana, provoca temor y genera impunidad. Las principales víctimas en México son jóvenes. Esta investigación se centra en el sureste mexicano integrado por cinco entidades federativas: Campeche, Chiapas, Quintana Roo, Tabasco y Yucatán. La investigación verifica el fenómeno en cuestión, los cambios en las tasas de homicidios de 2010 al 2017 y la relación según el sexo de la víctima, identificando diferentes tipos y modalidades de homicidios. Los autores aportan la diferencia de condiciones de género y distintas modalidades de victimización, lo que puede contribuir a generar estrategias preventivas de los homicidios en el sureste mexicano.


Les homicides sont un problème démographique, social, économique, juridique et sanitaire qui affecte la qualité de vie de la population, a des impacts négatifs sur l'économie et la sécurité des citoyens, suscite la peur et un climat d'impunité. Au Mexique, les principales victimes en sont des jeunes. Cette recherche porte sur le sud-est mexicain composé par cinq états: le Campeche, le Chiapas, le Quintana Roo, le Tabasco et le Yucatán. Elle examine le phénomène en question, l'évolution du taux d'homicides entre 2010 et 2017 et sa relation avec le sexe de la victime, à partir de l'identification de différents types et modalités d'homicides. Les auteurs présentent les conditions de genre et les différentes formes de victimisation, ce qui peut contribuer à l'élaboration de stratégies de prévention des homicides dans le sud-est du Mexique.

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Framed between change and stability

Syria between people's revolution and regime survival

Gilberto Conde

English abstract: The ideological struggle deployed between the Syrian opposition groups and the government during the first year of the Syrian popular uprising is examined in this paper. Force alone was not enough for the regime to crush the revolt, at least during its first twelve months, while protesters were unable to bring down the government. The battle for cultural hegemony had to be won by one of the two sides. Protesters and the regime alike had to deploy their discourses along frames that resonated with the values, hopes and fears of Syrians. The effectiveness of the regime in securing the support of large sections of urban dwellers and its systematic violent repression led to frustration on the part of demonstrators, who ended up supporting at least morally the armed struggle. A stalemate was reached. This led to divergent framing activity within the opposition, which in turn led to its division.

Spanish abstract: El artículo examina la lucha ideológica que se dio entre los grupos sirios de oposición y el gobierno durante el primer año del levantamiento popular en Siria. Durante los primeros 12 meses a partir de marzo de 2011, al régimen no le bastó con la fuerza bruta para aplastar la revuelta, aunque los manifestantes tampoco lograron tumbar al gobierno. Se dio un combate por la hegemonía cultural y uno de los bandos necesitaba ganarla. Tanto los opositores como el régimen frasearon sus discursos alrededor de aristas conceptuales (frames) en armonía con los valores, esperanzas y temores de la población siria. La eficacia del régimen en obtener el apoyo de amplios sectores de los habitantes de las principales ciudades y la represión violenta sistemática condujeron a un sentimiento de frustración entre los manifestantes, que terminaron ofreciendo un apoyo al menos moral a la lucha armada. Se llegó a un impasse. Esto a su vez llevó a que diferentes grupos de oposición reconstruyeran su discurso en torno de aristas distintas, lo que generó división.

French abstract: L'article étudie la lu e idéologique menée entre les groupes d'opposition et le gouvernement pendant la première année du soulèvement populaire en Syrie. Pendant les douze premiers mois, à dater du mois de mars de 2011, la force brute n'a pas suffiau régime pour écraser le mouvement, bien que les manifestants à leur tour n'aient pas réussi à faire tomber le gouvernement. Une lu e pour l'hégémonie culturelle s'est développée et un des deux côtés devait la gagner. L'opposition ainsi que le régime ont encadré (frame) leurs discours de sorte à qu'ils parlent aux valeurs, espoirs et peurs des syriens. Le succès du régime à gagner l'appui (ou le recul) de grands secteurs de la population des villes principales et la répression violente systématique ont produit un sentiment de frustration parmi les manifestants, qui ont fini par soutenir la lu e armée au moins moralement. La situation est arrivée à une impasse. Dans cet état, différents groupes d'opposition ont reformulé leurs discours au tour d'encadrements divergents, ce qui a mené à leur division.