As scholars and policymakers debate how to combine social inclusion with competitiveness under twenty-first-century economic conditions, the German model of labor relations is again attracting significant attention. Yet, assessments of its health
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In German Politics and Society
- Published (Print):
- 01 Dec 2017
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 46–76
“Did You Teach Us to Do Otherwise?”
Young Women in the Tsukunft Youth Movement in Interwar Poland and Their Role Models
Magdalena Kozłowska
empowering and often radicalizing experience of young Tsukunft women during the interwar period as they learned from their female role models how to live, organize, rebel, resist, and fight. I argue that despite the scarcity of high-ranking female leaders
Introduction
Assessing France as a Model of Societal Success
Éloi Laurent and Michèle Lamont
In this article, we propose a definition of the elusive "French model" of societal success and explore its usefulness for understanding the forces shaping France's future. This model, we suggest, remains "statist-republicanist": its democracy revolves around the idea of republicanism, while its economy continues to rely heavily on market regulation and public intervention. We assess France's model of societal success, which requires exploring the country's long-term assets and liabilities for human development. We argue, first of all, that France relies on a combination of a high fertility rate, an excellent health care system, a low level of income inequalities, and "de-carbonized growth"; second, that it continues to have a major liability, namely, a shadow French model of cultural membership that sustains segregation and discrimination; and third, that it experiences an important decoupling between its profound socio-economic transformations, on the one hand, and its political discourse and representations of the polity, on the other.
In French Politics, Culture & Society
- Published (Print):
- 01 Dec 2010
- Article Type:
- Introduction
- Pages:
- 66–73
Patricia Springborg
In this article the author examines the way in which concepts of citizenship and rights have been transmitted not only by conquest, but also by the imitation of Greek and Roman models. Also, the article discusses the way in which early modern empires, modelling themselves on the classical Roman empire in particular, bring these two elements together. Extensive historiographical work on the reception of European thought in the New World has been produced on both sides of the Atlantic and some important contributions that deal with the impact of the New World encounters in European thought have recently been made. However, the author argues that little work has been done on classical modelling as a vehicle for the transmission of concepts. The long tradition of classical learning, revived in the European Renaissance, made Latin the lingua franca of Europe, and school curricula across Europe ensured that members of the Republic of Letters were exposed to the same texts. This, together with the serviceability of the Roman model as a manual for Empire, ensured the rapid transmission of classical republican and imperial ideas. The author takes England and the British Empire as a case study and provides a variety of examples of classical modelling.
In Contributions to the History of Concepts
- Published (Print):
- 01 Oct 2005
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 223–244
Christopher S. Allen
For much of the past two decades since unification, the literature on the German economy has largely focused on the erosion of the German model of organized capitalism and emphasized institutional decline and the corresponding rise of neoliberalism. The first part of the article analyzes the strains unification placed on German economic performance that caused many observers to call for modification of the model in a more neo-liberal direction. The second part takes a different focus and lays out the main rationale of the paper. It inquires why such a coordinated market economy was created in the first place and whether a renewed form of it might still be useful for Germany, the European Union, and other developed democracies in the early twenty-first century. The third section articulates the origins of the institutional and ideational components of these coordinated market economy models, during both the Bismarckian and Social Market Economy periods. The final portion inquires whether the failure of the contemporary liberal market economy approach in the wake of the worldwide financial crisis and severe recession represents a possible opening for the creation of a third coordinated market economy not only for Germany but for a redesigned European Union.
In German Politics and Society
- Published (Print):
- 01 Jun 2010
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 130–150
Hyeong-ki Kwon
The German model of political economy that had been an enviable
alternative to the liberal market until the late 1980s in the literature of
political economy was under serious structural crisis throughout the
1990s, causing serious doubts about its viability. Many neoliberals
and industrial experts in Germany began to doubt whether Germany
was an attractive place for business activity, initiating the Standort
Deutschland debate. Even German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder conceded
“the end of German model.”1 Many political economists and
journalists expected and recommended imitating the American
model of a liberal market. Prominent German newspapers and magazines
such as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Der Spiegel, and Die
Woche ran articles titled “The Discovery of America” and “Jobwunder
in Amerika.” Wolfgang Streeck, one of the main proponents of the
German model, expected the convergence of the German economy
toward an American-led liberal market economy under globalization
because of “a secular exhaustion of the German model.” Streeck
believed that the postwar German model was based on the politics
between labor and capital within a national boundary, but globalization
represents a fluidity of financial and labor markets that extricates
whatever coordination has been nationally accomplished.
In German Politics and Society
- Published (Print):
- 01 Dec 2002
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 48–72
Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune?
A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)
Sebastian Jäckle
analysis, I model the different determinants of ministerial turnover according to the type of terminal event. I proceed as follows. The next section reviews existing works on executive elites with a particular focus on ministerial tenure and puts them in
In German Politics and Society
- Published (Print):
- 01 Mar 2016
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 54–76
Democratizing the Digital Collection
New Players and New Pedagogies in Three-Dimensional Cultural Heritage
Jane-Heloise Nancarrow
-dimensional modeling and printing challenge normative models of static museum display, conservation technology, and teaching practice. In doing so, these technologies both democratize and create new monopolies within the cultural heritage sector. New stakeholders and
Mirrors for Margraves
Peter Damian’s Models for Male and Female Rulers
Alison Creber
differing models for rule Damian offered to Godfrey and Adelaide, and his reasons for doing so. To what extent did he differentiate between them because of differences in their status or behavior, and to what extent simply because of their gender? Peter
In Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques
- Published (Print):
- 01 Mar 2016
- Article Type:
- Research Article
- Pages:
- 8–20
Luke Ulaş
This paper argues that the two models of collective responsibility David Miller presents in National Responsibility and Global Justice do not apply to nations. I first consider the 'like-minded group' model, paying attention to three scenarios in which Miller employs it. I argue that the feasibility of the model decreases as we expand outwards from the smallest group to the largest, since it increasingly fails to capture all members of the group adequately, and the locus of any like-mindedness becomes too abstract and vague to have the causal force the model requires. I thereafter focus on the 'cooperative practice' model, examining various ways in which the analogy Miller draws between an employee-led business and a nation breaks down. In concluding I address the concern that my arguments have worrying consequences and suggest that, on the contrary, the rejection of the idea of national responsibility is a positive move.
