nominal variable, similar to variables such as gender and ethnicity, so that we can test simultaneously the effects of the groups’ identities and their levels of piety. Method In accordance with this objective, we adopted a multivariate model based on a
Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Yasmin Alkalay, and Tom Aival
The Case of Israela
In recent decades, the role that national supreme courts have played in shaping and determining institutional change has been studied from a number of angles. However, this vast literature has not produced a dynamic model that is capable of illuminating the impact of supreme courts on national policy or institutional change. This article proposes such a dynamic model using perspectives based on the 'shared mental model' and the concept of 'political entrepreneurship'. Adapting hypotheses from the neo-institutionalism literature, it develops a procedural model for analyzing how political rules are changed formally in a democratic system. The analysis also explores the political entrepreneur role that supreme courts play in developing institutional change and addressing social problems. This model is then used to study the Supreme Court in Israel.
This article focuses on the practices that led to the elimination of the possibility of establishing an independent academic sector—professional-academic colleges—in the first years after the founding of the State of Israel in 1948. This sector, the "service tradition" of non-university institutions, focuses on meeting economic and social needs through professional and vocational education. The only academic model in Israel that evolved under the control of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (HUJ) was the comprehensive university model. By describing the ongoing problems of the School of Law and Economics (SLE) in Tel-Aviv, we can learn about the close relations that were established between politicians and the HUJ and the paradox that has resulted in the rapid growth of the SLE but also its integration with the comprehensive university.
Entre el pasado y el futuro
Hugo Fazio Vengoa
*Full article is in Spanish
English abstract: The article begins by analyzing the structural and contextual factors as well as the problematic asymmetries that have paralyzed integration efforts in Latin America at the beginning of this new century. Subsequently, the author proposes a model of social, ethical, and culturally inclusive integration in a cosmopolitan spirit.
Spanish abstract: El artículo analiza en un primer momento los factores estructurales coyunturales y las problemáticas asimetrías que han conducido a la parálisis de los esfuerzos integradores en América Latina en los inicios del nuevo siglo. En un segundo momento se propone un esquema de integración social, ética y culturalmente incluyente dentro de un espíritu cosmopolita.
French abstract: Cet article commence par analyser les facteurs structurels et contextuels ainsi que les asymétries problématiques qui ont paralysé les efforts d'intégration en Amérique Latine au début de ce nouveau siècle. Ensuite, l'auteur propose un modèle d'intégration sociale, éthique et culturellement inclusif, basé sur une logique cosmopolite.
From the linear intervention model to Social Technological Systems
English abstract: In the last thirty years, Latin America has seen a significant growth in a set of approaches, schools of thought and social movements, which posit that is impossible to effect a transformation in the region without processes focused on inclusion and democracy. Recent analyses on some of these trends reveal the existence of linear and deterministic assumptions in the various models used to address the issue. From the analytical dimension to the regulatory, this work puts forward an inclusive and participatory development model. Unlike technological systems based on income maximization, private appropriation and benefit restriction, Social Technological Systems represent a systemic strategic vision: new development paths, new ways of thinking about problems and socio-technical solutions, and new ways of exercising democracy.
Spanish abstract: En los últimos treinta años, América Latina ha visto crecer significativamente un conjunto de enfoques, corrientes y movimientos sociales que sostienen la imposibilidad de transformar la región si no es a través de procesos que valoricen la inclusión y la democracia. Recientes análisis sobre algunas de estas corrientes ponen en evidencia la continuidad de supuestos lineales y deterministas. De la dimensión analítica a la regulatoria, este trabajo propone un modelo de desarrollo inclusivo y participativo. Frente a los sistemas tecnológicos basados en la maximización de la renta, la apropiación privada y la restricción de los beneficios, los Sistemas Tecnológicos Sociales responden a una visión estratégica sistémica: nuevos senderos de desarrollo, nuevas formas de concebir problemas y soluciones socio-técnicas, nuevas formas de ejercer la democracia.
French abstract: Durant les trente dernières années, l’Amérique latine a connu la croissance significative d’un ensemble d’approches, d’écoles de pensée et de mouvements sociaux qui revendiquent l’impossibilité d’une transformation dans la région sans processus inclusifs et démocratiques. Des analyses récentes de certaines de ces tendances révèlent l’existence de suppositions linéaires et déterministes dans les modèles utilisés. Partant d’une dimension analytique vers une perspective règlementaire, ce travail revendique un modèle de développement inclusif et participatif. A la différence des systèmes technologiques fondés sur la maximisation des revenus, l’appropriation privée et la restriction des bénéfices, les Systèmes Sociaux Technologiques représentent une vision systémique stratégique : des voies et des manières nouvelles pour penser les problèmes et les solutions sociotechniques et des formes novatrices d’exercice démocratique.
role in the give and take between the international system and their respective national systems ( Adler and Pouliot 2011 ; Benvenisti 2008 ; Cross 2012 ; Tate and Vallinder 1995 ). According to the Court-Pivot Dual Utility Model, which I fully
Military Service by Religious Israeli Women as a Process of Social Legitimation
: 60–61) present a four-step model describing how a social issue/value/ norm can achieve legitimacy. First, a form of social innovation develops in response to a new need or purpose. Not all innovations constructed during this step achieve legitimacy
Socio-legal Taboos on Same-Sex Parenting and Their Impact on Children's Well-Being
This article questions the way in which the 'child's best interests' test is applied by Israeli courts in cases of children of same-sex parents. It argues that the reluctance to recognize same-sex parenting indicates that the child's best interests is a politicized concept, which looks at heterosexual ideology rather than at the child's specific circumstances. This ideology views the opposite-sex parental model as the ideal model and thus is wary of recognizing same-sex parenting because it also entails recognition of same-sex relationships. I identify this prejudice against same-sex relationships and parenting as the product of what I term cultural and legal 'heterophilia'. To the extent that the objections of judges and social workers to same-sex parenting (pursuant to this ideology) are based on fears of actual harm caused to the children because of their parents' sexual orientation, they are the product of homophobia.
The aims of this study are (a) to survey the existing theories of non-formal education (NFE) and their deficiencies, (b) to present a concise historical survey of Zionist-Israeli NFE, and (c) to summarize the research in brief, including additional dimensions derived from the Zionist-Israeli case. The seven dilemmas that are drawn and their continua of recommended solutions encompass the following: (1) a combined model of complementary, supplementary, and alternative NFE; (2) different but mixed age groups; (3) an emphasis on NFE community-centered activities combined with youth programs; (4) responsibility sharing among local institutions and various corporations and associations; (5) personnel ranging from professional to young volunteer leaders; (6) school and out-of-school activities; and (7) non-formal activities within formal, non-formal, and mixed frameworks. The overall contribution of this article is in detailing the central role of NFE in shaping nationality via national education.
A survey of the literature on Israeli parties and elections reveals a gradual shift from a perception of the country as sui generis toward the study of Israeli parties as a seedbed for hypotheses to be tested elsewhere. The dramatic nature of the Israeli party system also renders it a suitable testing ground for dynamic heuristic models, such as one that explains strategic choices that guide party competitiveness under shifting circumtances. The present article illustrates this claim by introducing the concept of the party goal triangle and examining it through an analysis of the 2003 electoral campaign. Focus is placed on the movement of the main competitors along the triangle legs as forms of adjustment to electoral reform, and on the factors constraining a party's choice of strategy.