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Marcos S. Scauso, Garrett FitzGerald, Arlene B. Tickner, Navnita Chadha Behera, Chengxin Pan, Chih-yu Shih, and Kosuke Shimizu

Abstract

Liberal democracies often include rights of participation, guarantees of protection, and policies that privilege model citizens within a bounded territory. Notwithstanding claims of universal equality for “humanity,” they achieve these goals by epistemically elevating certain traits of identity above “others,” sustaining colonial biases that continue to favor whoever is regarded more “human.” The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these fault lines, unveiling once more the often-hidden prevalence of inequalities that are based on race, gender, class, ethnicity, and other axes of power and their overlaps. Decolonial theories and practices analyze these othering tendencies and inequalities while also highlighting how sites of suffering sometimes become locations of solidarity and agency, which uncover often-erased alternatives and lessons.

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Who Governs in Deep Crises?

The Case of Germany

Wolfgang Merkel

France, Italy, Spain, and New York were to be avoided in Germany. There is also a third factor. German epidemiologists’ model-based calculations suggested for worse-case or even normal-case scenarios a bleak picture. The talk was not of thousands, but

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Gender, Leadership and Representative Democracy

The Differential Impacts of the Global Pandemic

Kim Rubenstein, Trish Bergin, and Pia Rowe

democratic underpinnings of the decision-making process. Who gets to be a leader is critical to the explicit representation of interests, the leadership characteristics that are brought to bear and the model that this sets across society for democratic

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Louise Haagh

exemplified in Britain, a growing reliance on precarious contracts in public services (Pyper and McGuiness 2014) means that the same services set up to protect citizens create sources of stress that they are not organized to meet. The unit cost model in

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The Democracy of Everyday Life in Disaster

Holding Our Lives in Their Hands

Nancy L. Rosenblum

meaning lies in utopian and dystopian prophecies. On one hand, rituals of solidarity (standing in doorways at 7pm to applaud or howl for those who care for the sick) model citizenship and prefigure democratic transformation. “A paradise built in hell” will

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Barbara Prainsack

state to protect vulnerable groups in a stewardship state model (e.g., Saltman and Ferroussier-Davis 2000 ). If governments and public authorities call upon people to do something costly—such as staying at home, home-schooling their children, or

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Peter Levine

recover—with what new leaders, financial models, objectives, and constituencies. Not as a political theorist but as someone who serves on the boards of five US nonprofit organizations, I am concerned about this aspect of the crisis. Organizations may not

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Lauri Rapeli and Inga Saikkonen

findings from Spain already indicate, a long-term repercussion could be that experts are given a stronger voice in policy-making, pushing representative democracy a notch toward a more technocratic model of democracy. In terms of the effects of the COVID

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Milja Kurki

of promoting classical models of democracy. And it is not just to revive a more capacious international order as classically conceived. It is to see how our societies metabolize the world beyond the human and it is to think through relationalities and

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Latin America and COVID-19

Political Rights and Presidential Leadership to the Test

Brigitte Weiffen

poverty ( Blofield et al. 2020 ). Chile, Bolivia, and Venezuela are cases in point. In Chile, long considered to be a model of democracy and prosperity in the region, discontent over socio-economic inequality, corruption, and deficient state services