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When Time is Money

Contested Rationalities of Time in the Theory and Practice of Work

Barbara Adam

At the beginning of the twenty-first century work has attained a new local and global quality. Localised and individualised efficiency deals are established where previously standards would have been set nationally and bargained for collectively. At the same time, work is negotiated in the context of a global labour market and global competition: the world, not nations, is the market where labour is traded and the fate of much future work sealed. Electronic communication, low transport costs and deregulated, unrestricted trade dissolved many of the boundaries that used to delimit the competition for work on the one hand, the negotiations over conditions on the other. Since the leading industrial nations have committed themselves to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the rules set out by the World Trade Organisation (WTO), it is difficult for any nation to extricate itself from the logic of the competitive global market. ‘At a world level’, as Hans-Peter Martin and Harald Schumann (1997: 7) point out, ‘more than 40,000 transnational corporations of varying shapes and sizes play off their own employees (as well as different nation states) against one another.’ There are always workers somewhere else able and willing to do the job cheaper than North Americans or North/West Europeans.

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Henry A. Giroux

This article argues that democracy is on life support in the United States. Throughout the social order, the forces of predatory capitalism are on the march—dismantling the welfare state, corrupting politics with outside money, defunding higher education, expanding the corporate-surveillance-military state, widening inequalities in wealth and income, and waging a war on low income and poor minorities. As market mentalities and moralities tighten their grip on all aspects of society, democratic institutions and public spheres are being downsized, if not altogether disappearing. As these institutions vanish—from higher education to health care centers—there is also a serious erosion of the discourses of community, justice, equality, public values, and the common good. This article argues that given this current crisis, educators, artists, intellectuals, youth, and workers need a new political and pedagogical language centered around the notion of radical democracy in order to address the changing contexts and issues facing a world in which capital draws upon an unprecedented convergence of resources—financial, cultural, political, economic, scientific, military, and technological—to exercise powerful and diverse forms of control.

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Neoliberalism, the Left and the Rise of the Far Right

On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy

Costas Panayotakis

restructuring inflicts on large numbers of people and on the phenomena of corruption that result from the growing influence of money over politics. Thus, while forces of the political left often blame the rise of the far right on neoliberal austerity policies

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Marie Paxton and Uğur Aytaç

Bateman, Jr., the key to addressing such issues is participatory budgeting (PB), a practice in which everyday people choose how to distribute public money. In The Transformative Potential of Participatory Budgeting, Bateman asks: What are the benefits of

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Democratic Procedures Are Not Inherently Democratic

A Critical Analysis of John Keane's The New Despotism (Harvard University Press, 2020)

Gergana Dimova

electoral shortcomings include gerrymandering, dark money in political campaigns, manipulative media campaigns, and spinning. I, too, in earlier work ( Dimova 2019 ) take issue with the fact that elections are rather infrequent and that electoral options

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Common Democracy

Political Representation beyond Representative Democracy

Alexandros Kioupkiolis

people. But the movements refused to make demands on the state, and they dismissed political representation, party partisanship, fixed ideologies, centralized leadership, the power of money and politicians, and the homogeneous unity of the people or the

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Participatory Democracy in Unlikely Places

What Democratic Theorists Can Learn from Democratic Professionals

Selen A. Ercan’s and Albert W. Dzur

in. When I talk to people about their innovative participatory democratic work, time is the biggest cost. It doesn’t cost more money to have a democratic school. And it costs a lot less money to do community conferences than to hire the guys in black

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Simon Tormey and Jean-Paul Gagnon

and receptive for a particular kind of political suggestion, a particular kind of message. We’ve gone beyond the traditional pattern of organizational life: that we need to gather a certain amount of money, resources, and so on in order to achieve

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Resist and Revivify

Democratic Theory in a Time of Defiance

Jean-Paul Gagnon and Emily Beausoleil

redistribution (i.e., Warren 2016 , for Sanders), and getting big money out of representative politics were all talking points for proponents of these campaigns. It is too early for half of the supporters of these populist movements on either side of the

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Filimon Peonidis

influence exercised by technocrats, lobbyists or simply those willing to spend money for political or partisan purposes, and the identification of democracy with the electoral process. Although certain sortition theorists often go to extremes in their