The aim of this article is to explore to what extent the rule of economics commonly known as Gresham's law (“bad money drives out good money”) can be extrapolated to verbal language (“bad concepts drive out good concepts”). Consequently, the goal of this article is twofold. First, for Gresham's law to be applied simultaneously to money and language, its unfortunate (“good”/“bad”) and obscure (“drives out”) wording should be clarified. Second, one should identify the contexts in which the validity of the law could be assessed best, and run a very preliminary test. For this purpose, the circulation of the adjective (“hard”, “strong”, or “stable” in Russian) in the word combination (“hard currency”) in use in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s was scrutinized.
Do “Bad” Concepts Drive Out “Good” Ones?
Les Petits Entrepreneurs Etrangers en France dans l’Entre-Deux-Guerres
In the literature, immigrant entrepreneurs are described as the élite of the best “integrated” immigrants. Histories of migrant communities all insist on the role of the entrepreneurs as the center of the community and the symbol of social success. In this paper, I will discuss the diverse social meaning attached to being an entrepreneur for an immigrant in Paris during the interwar period. In order to describe the social position of immigrant entrepreneurs, I worked on professional careers, based on the study of more than two hundred applications for French nationality from foreign entrepreneurs during the first half of the twentieth century. It's hard to conclude that there is a one-way social mobility of entrepreneurs, either ascendant or descendent. While some went from the working class to owning a shop, eventually able to spend and save money, others became entrepreneurs as a necessity rather than choice.
Henry A. Giroux
This article argues that democracy is on life support in the United States. Throughout the social order, the forces of predatory capitalism are on the march—dismantling the welfare state, corrupting politics with outside money, defunding higher education, expanding the corporate-surveillance-military state, widening inequalities in wealth and income, and waging a war on low income and poor minorities. As market mentalities and moralities tighten their grip on all aspects of society, democratic institutions and public spheres are being downsized, if not altogether disappearing. As these institutions vanish—from higher education to health care centers—there is also a serious erosion of the discourses of community, justice, equality, public values, and the common good. This article argues that given this current crisis, educators, artists, intellectuals, youth, and workers need a new political and pedagogical language centered around the notion of radical democracy in order to address the changing contexts and issues facing a world in which capital draws upon an unprecedented convergence of resources—financial, cultural, political, economic, scientific, military, and technological—to exercise powerful and diverse forms of control.
Violence in Classical Athens
smack of the amateur and unprofessional. 7 We might see in such thinking parallels with modern notions of sport—once the domain of the amateur gentlemen, but now entirely professionalized. Winning and money have become the only currencies, rather than
Historicizing Édouard Dujardin’s Les Lauriers Sont Coupés
Kelly J. Maynard
dines at the bustling Café oriental on the Avenue de l’Opéra, though even choosing the establishment prompts elaborate deliberation. In an echo of the frugal dining habits of Dujardin himself, Prince considers going across the street to save money
On the Political and Ideological Implications of Capitalism's Subordination of Democracy
restructuring inflicts on large numbers of people and on the phenomena of corruption that result from the growing influence of money over politics. Thus, while forces of the political left often blame the rise of the far right on neoliberal austerity policies
Illegitimacy, Murder, and War Veterans in England, 1918-1923
Ginger S. Frost
war. Emsley’s larger study revealed that references to “shell shock” were common between 1917 and the mid-1920s, including in cases of “assault, bigamy, burglary, fraud, loitering with intent, theft, and obtaining money by false pretenses.” 16 Defense
Political Representation beyond Representative Democracy
people. But the movements refused to make demands on the state, and they dismissed political representation, party partisanship, fixed ideologies, centralized leadership, the power of money and politicians, and the homogeneous unity of the people or the
Abbé Rousseau and the Meanings of Suicide
responsibility for all the problems: money, family, and virtue—both his and hers. The witnesses deposed on 18 May argued that he acted deliriously in order to protect him, even though they did not really need to do so, from any post-humous judicial proceedings
What Democratic Theorists Can Learn from Democratic Professionals
Selen A. Ercan’s and Albert W. Dzur
in. When I talk to people about their innovative participatory democratic work, time is the biggest cost. It doesn’t cost more money to have a democratic school. And it costs a lot less money to do community conferences than to hire the guys in black