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of time. Instead, temporariness is a way of being in place, an indefinite state ( Fedyuk 2012 ) whereby money and resources tend to flow “back home”—the place where migrants see themselves as living their “real” lives, as opposed to their “work” lives

observers consider that the authorities in Niamey are implementing the antimigration measures requested by the EU to keep European money flowing ( Brachet 2018 ). Behind this appearance of constructive collaboration, however, there is increasing evidence

for those that cannot reach the desired lands of the West (or South Africa, the next stop for some after Eastleigh), years of frustration can pass by in Eastleigh ( Carrier and Kochore 2019 ). 1 However, much money is sent as remittances for people in

, as well as an illegal trade of other agricultural products and wood. This first wave of migrants noted that they struggled to stay connected with their homelands, and few had enough money for a visit home during their first years post-relocation. If

segments of the labor market where, after earning money, they can return to their country of origin as circular or seasonal migrants ( Adepoju 2003 ). Prior to the 2011 revolution that removed Muammar Gaddafi from power, smuggling was tightly controlled. It

2014: 7 ). At the peak of the Syrian refugee crisis in November 2013, it garnered a pledge of $668.8 million (ibid.). In previous refugee crises, donor money was channeled to or through Jordanian government institutions; however, since 2012, the

, know little about transit migration. To be frank, I am suspicious about this. Of course it is known! Two things to say: First, there are too many interests around it, money-wise speaking, “illegal” transit migration yields good money, everybody knows

, Ruben Andersson's (2014 , 2016 , 2017) work on illegality along the West African corridor has demonstrated how border regimes create sites of transit onto which a logic of illegality is imposed and then “solved” through policies and vast sums of money

development divisions of Western governments have come to see it as an opportunity to increase “value for money” and, ultimately, reduce aid expenditure. They promote cash transfer programming as the most “empowering” aid technology. Localization then becomes

year's salary (this occurs quite frequently in the migration corridor from South Asia to the GCC countries). To cover these fees, many migrant workers have to borrow from their families, which puts them into heavy debt burden, or from money lenders, who