argue there is a lack of global diversity and plurality in the American classroom. This article argues that rationalist theories and the concept of the Eurocentric nation-state, a cornerstone of the IR field, inhibits an open discussion of
Surveying the lack of pedagogical and theoretical diversity in American International Relations
Christopher R. Cook
The Alternative for Germany and the Working Class
nation state will inevitably threaten the social and welfare achievements we are accustomed to.” 52 Perhaps one of the best examples of the AfD’s newfound welfare chauvinist rhetoric can be found in a speech delivered by arguably the most prominent face
Misplacing the Dilemmas of the European Union--In Memory of Stanley Hoffmann
Charles S. Maier
federalism that the EU can provide and the virtually existential fulfillment that the nation-state offers. Their reasons, as this essay will explain, vary: Some claim a “democratic deficit” at the European level, although this institutional failing might be
, whereby its transcendence coincides with and conforms to that sanctioned by the modern nation-state and its attendant forces. Its prized differences must align with those that the state condones, manages, polices, or encourages in its administration of
A Case Study of the AfD
power” are shunned by populists, who aim to put “national” interests first, resulting in the depreciation of global cooperation and collective problem-solving. So far, most studies analyze populism in the framework of the nation state and several
A Timeless Measure of Who We Are?
hospitality as a measure of society at the advent of the nation state in the seventeenth century, and in the period of severe displacement and extreme border controls of the twenty-first century. The aim here is not to offer a comparison between ancient and
After presenting a brief summary of the events leading up to the German Autumn, this article offers a close analysis of media responses in major German newspapers and magazines in the months following these violent and confusing political developments. It compares these responses to reports in January 1980, where the events of the late 1970s serve as a catalyst for fears of global change. Media articulate these fears about the stability and identity of the West German nation state in increasingly vague and generalized terms and relate them to a global situation that is "out of control." The discussions in this article suggest that these expressed fears reveal tensions, interruptions, and gaps in the conservative fantasy of the secure and prosperous Western nation state.
Martin H. Geyer
Sports have always been used to promote the nation state and the invention of national traditions with national symbols such as flags and national hymns playing an important role. This article looks at the peculiar situation of the post-war period when two Germanys established themselves also in the field of sports, yet cooperated in some athletic disciplines, and, most important of all, at the Olympic Games until 1968. This raised a great number of delicate political questions, particularly the politics of the nonrecognition of the GDR which strove hard to establish itself internationally by way of the international sports movement. Konrad Adenauer and the German Sports Organization clashed on this issue which brought to the fore the question of a German and an emerging West-German identity. In order to describe this negotiation of the nation state in the realm of sports, this article tries to make fruitful use of the term postnationalism in order to understand the ambiguities of identity of Germans towards their nation state. It also takes a brief look at the Olympic Games of 1972, which epitomizes more than anything else the peculiar postnationalism of the Federal Republic.
Escape, Evasion, and Resistance in France, 1940–1945
The rescue of downed Anglo-American aircrews in France during the Second World War highlights the transnational nature of this kind of resistance. From their training to their evasion, flight crews themselves experienced the Second World War without traditional national borders. Moreover, their successful rescue in Occupied France depended on the ability of civilian helpers to think transnationally and to operate with little regard for the nation-state. This article focuses on evasion training, rescue, and postwar attempts to honor civilians for their assistance to highlight these themes of transnational resistance.
Bordered nation-state approaches are increasingly challenged and they rarely hold up under critical questioning. In this essay I discuss the cultural interactions across Central Europe that preceded the nineteenth-century development of national consciousness and—for many only after 1918—independent states. I argue that identities based on religion, profession or craft, administrative or military expertise characterized people more than those founded on ethnocultural/regional origin during the various migrations of the period. A dual outward-inward perspective focuses on the influence of German-speakers in other parts of Europe and on men and women from other cultures in the core German-language regions. I carry the story up to the 1930s and I argue that transregional and transcultural approaches are empirically sounder than transnational ones. It follows that migrant destinations also need to be addressed as micro- or macro-regions—the several distinct locations in Eastern, East Central, and Southeastern Europe, for example—rather than in terms of states.