our respect. 3 Respectful relationality could be understood as the guiding norm for both Heidegger and Sartre. Heidegger and the Anthropocene Heidegger was well aware of the dangers of the modern view of reality well before the presence of climate
Trump, Le Pen, and the New Normal
across the range of American political institutions. Republicans now control both Houses of Congress, thirty-three governorships, and thirty-two state legislatures. 30 Rules and norms, already battered, have been further eroded, notably in the Senate
Germaine Tillion's Operetta of Resistance at Ravensbrück
Pierre Vidal-Naquet called the three studies resister Germaine Tillion had published in 1946, 1973, and 1988, on the concentration camp to which she had been sent, her “three Ravensbrücks.”4 Although resistance is important in each, these works focus primarily on the relation of exploitation to extermination in the camps. There is, however, a first, or perhaps a fourth, “Ravensbrück,” which is neither a memoir nor a history like the other three. In it, the state of resistance in which Tillion lived her deportation comes to the fore. Inspired by Jacques Offenbach’s L’Orphée aux Enfers, Tillion wrote Le Verfügbar aux Enfers in late 1944 at Ravenbrück, after having spent a year incarcerated there. Like David Rousset’s frequent reference to Père Ubu in L’Univers concentrationnaire (1946), his essay on Buchenwald, Tillion’s operetta reminds us that the genres we usually call on to present the horrific in the normal world may be lacking when the horrific is the norm.
C’est dans le cadre d’une recherche sur l’alimentation dans la prime enfance1 que j’ai été amenée à réfléchir sur la confrontation entre normes de puériculture et pratiques familiales. En effet, chez les nourrissons, alimentation et santé sont des domaines très proches, ce qui se traduit par l’importance des conseils d’origine médicale ou para-médicale reçus par les parents2. L’influence que les premières années de la vie sont censées avoir sur le développement ultérieur de l’enfant, tant du point de vue physique que psychologique, constitue un moyen de pression non négligeable pour inciter les parents à mettre en pratique les conseils qui leur sont donnés. Dans ce contexte, on pourrait presque se demander comment des parents arrivent à faire autre chose que ce que leur médecin leur prescrit.
Conventional wisdom holds that the political evolution of an individual passes from youthful radicalism to the conservatism of later years. In this respect, as in many others, Sartre declined to follow the norm. As a young man, despite his detestation of the bourgeoisie, his anti-militaristic sentiments, his anti-authoritarianism and unconventional lifestyle, Sartre remained aloof from politics, while it was towards the end of his life that his most radical commitment occurred, triggered in large part by the events of May-June 1968. This paper will establish that although Sartre supported the 1968 student movement, he remained essentially outside it and it made little immediate impact on his thinking or practice; it was only several months later that the ‘events’ made themselves felt to Sartre, leading him to question the definition of himself as intellectual which he had defended hitherto.
Bureaucratic Practices and the Lived Experience in the French Naturalization Process
Drawing on ethnographical observations made in the Naturalization Office of a prefecture of the Paris region, and on interviews carried out with bureaucrats and French citizens who have been naturalized, this article examines both the institutional process of granting citizenship as well as its impact on subjectivities. It investigates the assumptions and broad judgments that underlie the granting of French citizenship to see how norms and values linked to this procedure circulate between bureaucrats and applicants. It focuses on the idea of “deservingness,” linked to the act of being granted French citizenship, to determine how bureaucrats from the Naturalization Office and French naturalized citizens differently appropriate this notion. By addressing the articulated difference between bureaucratic practice and lived experience, this article aims to highlight the political, moral, and ethical dimensions at stake in the procedure of making foreigners into French citizens.
naturistes et végétariens à la Belle Époque
In reaction to industrial and urban development and its effects on health during the Belle Epoque, doctors endeavored to promote a program of hygienic reform. Militant vegetarians and naturopathy enthusiasts, sharing their apprehensions, translated this program into a number of concrete recommendations. Presented as an alternative solution to the detrimental effects of modern life, these reforms were supposed to guarantee a way of living that would conform to the laws of nature and therefore be conducive to health. The circulation of this health reform program was based both on a nebula of "reformist" organizations, including a key player, the Société Végétarienne de France (the French society for vegetarianism), and on norms of healthy consumption associated with the formation of specific commercial networks.
terms of the room left for politics. While in France, party members politicized the interactions at the door and spoke politics all the time, American volunteers actively avoided it. This difference is linked to the underlying civic norms prevailing in
which is, according to regulatory gender norms, at variance with it. Then, Butler suggests, we recognise that everyday gender is just such a performance. Butler 15 discusses Jenny Livingston’s film Paris Is Burning , 16 a documentary about drag balls
consequence, confidence in government responsiveness and efficacy are weakened. This decline in electoral turnout is also linked to the weakening of the working-class movement, which had promoted norms of civic participation and made national politics