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Ernst B. Haas, Sally Roever, and Anna Schmidt

Contemporary interstate relations in Europe are proclaimed by

Europeans to be little short of ideal. Every nation and every state is

told to behave toward others as do the states of the European Union.

Inter-European relations, we are told, illustrate the norms to which

everyone should aspire. Moreover, the same civilized rules of political

behavior apply within each country.

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John Bendix and Niklaus Steiner

Although political asylum has been at the forefront of contemporary

German politics for over two decades, it has not been much discussed

in political science. Studying asylum is important, however,

because it challenges assertions in both comparative politics and

international relations that national interest drives decision-making.

Political parties use national interest arguments to justify claims that

only their agenda is best for the country, and governments argue

similarly when questions about corporatist bargaining practices arise.

More theoretically, realists in international relations have posited

that because some values “are preferable to others … it is possible to

discover, cumulate, and objectify a single national interest.” While

initially associated with Hans Morgenthau’s equating of national

interest to power, particularly in foreign policy, this position has

since been extended to argue that states can be seen as unitary rational

actors who carefully calculate the costs of alternative courses of

action in their efforts to maximize expected utility.

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Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos and Karen Schönwälder

With the passage of a new citizenship law in 1999 and the so-called

Zuwanderungsgesetz (Migration Law) of 2004, contemporary Germany

has gone a long way toward acknowledging its status as an immigration

country (Einwanderungsland). Yet, Germany is still regarded by

many as a “reluctant” land of immigration, different than traditional

immigration countries such as Canada, the United States, and Australia.

It owes this image to the fact that many of today’s “immigrants”

were in fact “guests,” invited to work in the Federal Republic

in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s and expected to leave when they were

no longer needed. Migration was meant to be a temporary measure,

to stoke the engine of the Economic Miracle but not fundamentally

alter German society. The question, then, is how did these “guest

workers” become immigrants? Why did the Federal Republic

become an immigration country?

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After the Party

Trump, Le Pen, and the New Normal

Anne Sa’adah

across the range of American political institutions. Republicans now control both Houses of Congress, thirty-three governorships, and thirty-two state legislatures. 30 Rules and norms, already battered, have been further eroded, notably in the Senate

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Patricia A. Davis

There has been much debate recently on the role of cognition in

determining national interest and thus indirectly foreign policy. The

argument has been made by many poststructuralists that interestbased

arguments are static in that they do not allow for change in

the determination of national interest. These arguments allegedly fail

to take into account the powerful role of social norms and culture in

influencing what “states make of anarchy.”

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A. James McAdams

Intelligence and law enforcement agencies in western democracies are turning increasingly to electronic surveillance tools in their efforts to identify and combat new terrorist threats. But this does not mean that they are equally equipped to undertake these measures. As the author shows by comparing surveillance activities in three countries—Great Britain, the United States, and Germany—the Federal Republic's more restrictive legal norms and institutions provide its government with much less freedom of maneuver than its allies.

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The Value of Nation

Bureaucratic Practices and the Lived Experience in the French Naturalization Process

Sarah Mazouz

Drawing on ethnographical observations made in the Naturalization Office of a prefecture of the Paris region, and on interviews carried out with bureaucrats and French citizens who have been naturalized, this article examines both the institutional process of granting citizenship as well as its impact on subjectivities. It investigates the assumptions and broad judgments that underlie the granting of French citizenship to see how norms and values linked to this procedure circulate between bureaucrats and applicants. It focuses on the idea of “deservingness,” linked to the act of being granted French citizenship, to determine how bureaucrats from the Naturalization Office and French naturalized citizens differently appropriate this notion. By addressing the articulated difference between bureaucratic practice and lived experience, this article aims to highlight the political, moral, and ethical dimensions at stake in the procedure of making foreigners into French citizens.

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Séverine Gojard

C’est dans le cadre d’une recherche sur l’alimentation dans la prime enfance1 que j’ai été amenée à réfléchir sur la confrontation entre normes de puériculture et pratiques familiales. En effet, chez les nourrissons, alimentation et santé sont des domaines très proches, ce qui se traduit par l’importance des conseils d’origine médicale ou para-médicale reçus par les parents2. L’influence que les premières années de la vie sont censées avoir sur le développement ultérieur de l’enfant, tant du point de vue physique que psychologique, constitue un moyen de pression non négligeable pour inciter les parents à mettre en pratique les conseils qui leur sont donnés. Dans ce contexte, on pourrait presque se demander comment des parents arrivent à faire autre chose que ce que leur médecin leur prescrit.

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Available in Hell

Germaine Tillion's Operetta of Resistance at Ravensbrück

Donald Reid

Pierre Vidal-Naquet called the three studies resister Germaine Tillion had published in 1946, 1973, and 1988, on the concentration camp to which she had been sent, her “three Ravensbrücks.”4 Although resistance is important in each, these works focus primarily on the relation of exploitation to extermination in the camps. There is, however, a first, or perhaps a fourth, “Ravensbrück,” which is neither a memoir nor a history like the other three. In it, the state of resistance in which Tillion lived her deportation comes to the fore. Inspired by Jacques Offenbach’s L’Orphée aux Enfers, Tillion wrote Le Verfügbar aux Enfers in late 1944 at Ravenbrück, after having spent a year incarcerated there. Like David Rousset’s frequent reference to Père Ubu in L’Univers concentrationnaire (1946), his essay on Buchenwald, Tillion’s operetta reminds us that the genres we usually call on to present the horrific in the normal world may be lacking when the horrific is the norm.

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Un projet de réforme hygiénique des modes de vie

naturistes et végétariens à la Belle Époque

Arnaud Baubérot

In reaction to industrial and urban development and its effects on health during the Belle Epoque, doctors endeavored to promote a program of hygienic reform. Militant vegetarians and naturopathy enthusiasts, sharing their apprehensions, translated this program into a number of concrete recommendations. Presented as an alternative solution to the detrimental effects of modern life, these reforms were supposed to guarantee a way of living that would conform to the laws of nature and therefore be conducive to health. The circulation of this health reform program was based both on a nebula of "reformist" organizations, including a key player, the Société Végétarienne de France (the French society for vegetarianism), and on norms of healthy consumption associated with the formation of specific commercial networks.