Huntington's third wave of democracy was no such thing. It neither ushered in a democratic era nor was it a wave in any acceptable historical sense. What it did do was to highlight a contrast and competition among norms and values, so that what we automatically regard as undemocratic practice that is norm-free is no such thing. They might perhaps, and with a freight of contingencies, be bad norms—but they are still norms.
The Ebbing Wave in Southern Africa
low democratic progress (or incipient democratic regress) appears to be already packed in the premises of the picture. One last dynamic that needs to be addressed is the distinction between facts and norms, the use of such terms as normative and
In this paper I will explore the relationship between social norms – in the sense of regularities in action which embody moral attitudes – and corruption, in contexts of transcultural interaction. There is a great deal of theoretical unclarity in relation to all the key notions involved, namely, social norms, corruption and transcultural interaction, and yet theoretical clarity is a necessary precursor to resolving the empirical and policy issues in this area, including empirical and policy issues of great importance for the future of many countries involved in the process of globalisation. Accordingly, in the first section of this paper I will spend some time on theoretical clarification.1 In the last section of the paper I will make some tentative suggestions concerning the connections between social norms and corruption in transcultural interactions, and illustrate these suggestions by use of two well-known transcultural corruption scandals, namely, Bhopal in India, and Lockheed in Japan. The informing idea here is that examination of such major scandals is likely to reveal underlying institutional conditions and processes which are conducive to corruption, but which go largely unnoticed in the normal course of events; it takes a major corruption scandal to bring these underlying conditions and processes to the surface.2
Democracy in ASEAN
, and members cannot be suspended or expelled due to domestic political events (such as an unconstitutional change of government). Further, the norm of non-interference means that member states—which are politically diverse—have traditionally refrained
Controlling Women’s Sexuality in the Ukrainian Nationalist Underground
with traditional gender norms and nationalist ideas of womanhood, from exploitation of gender stereotypes to the widening of standard definitions of femininity that destroyed stereotypical images of Ukrainian women. Kis was also the first in Ukrainian
The Senior Citizen’s Grant in Uganda
Grace Bantebya Kyomuhendo
ramifications for the hapless beneficiary participants. Shaming via Cultural Norms and Practices Another disconcerting practice observed at the cash payment points was the profuse gratitude expressed by beneficiary participants, particularly women, while
conventional gender norms to their advantage: they popularized a traditional type of ideal woman, which emphasized women’s domesticity and nurturing qualities precisely in order to appeal to their conservative and largely rural support base. The focus on the
Sophia Yablonska's Travelogues in the History of Modern Ukrainian Literature
always correspond to established norms and patterns, were also “a recognition of and a response to the fact that definitions of achievements are often idiosyncratic and reflections of current ideology” and inspired “rethinking the usual criteria for
Francisca de Haan, Maria Bucur, and Krassimira Daskalova
This is the third volume of Aspasia, with a focus on the gender history of everyday life. The questions in which we were interested included: How have broad institutional frameworks – religious, social, economic, political, and cultural – related to the ways in which average women and men negotiated their gender identities, and, vice versa, how have (changes in) gender identities and relations influenced broader institutional frameworks? Our call for papers also asked more specific questions: How have assumptions of religious institutions about gender norms shaped the everyday religious practices and spirituality of laywomen and men? How have sexual norms impacted how women and men perform and negotiate their sexual identity in their daily lives? What changes did state socialism bring to women’s and men’s gender identities and daily lives, and how did that change over time?
Ali Aslam, David McIvor, and Joel Alden Schlosser
Urgent alarms now warn of the erosion of democratic norms and the decline of democratic institutions. These antidemocratic trends have prompted some democratic theorists to reject the seeming inevitability of democratic forms of government and instead to consider democracy as a fugitive phenomenon. Fugitive democracy, as we argue below, is a theory composed of two parts. First, it includes a robust, normative ideal of democracy and, second, a clear-eyed vision of the historical defeats and generic difficulties attendant to that ideal. This article considers how democratic theorists might respond to the challenges posed by fugitive democracy and the implications of such an understanding for future research in democratic theory.