In this article I explore the contemporary relevance of Émile Durkheim’s classic theory of anomie with respect to both the discipline of social anthropology and the study of politics in Africa. I take as a case study present-day, post-war Angola, where an activist mobilisation (the Revolutionary Movement) has engaged in what I call ‘anomic diagnostics’ in opposing the country’s current regime. Through a political reading of Durkheim’s theory, I suggest that, while the French author situates anomie and suicide as cause and consequence respectively within a conservative view of society, Angolan activists instead see anomie as the starting point for a progressive political proposition productive of rupture.
Ruy Llera Blanes
For almost a century there was a lack of adequate reflection in French sociology on analysis of the nation. The explanation of this delay may lie in the foundations of the discipline itself. But in a major contribution, Marcel Mauss pointed the way to a sociology of the nation. For him, the development of the nation as an object of a new reflection depended on the insights of a multidisciplinary and comparative approach. But sociology had a pivotal role in this approach, helping to grasp the specificity of its object, and holding the key to its analysis, especially through the concept of integration. The slowness to utilize this text shows the difficulty in French sociological thought of working with a link between the social and the political.
Sartre’s Article on Kafka and the Fantastic
Sartre’s Early Literary Criticism as Political Writing It is perhaps because of the political nature and animated style of What Is Literature – the full-fledged monograph in which Jean-Paul Sartre, in 1947, set out to launch the concept of a
Ghosting a History without Shadows
Duane H. Davis
Merleau-Ponty, in Humanism and Terror (1947), addresses the spectrum of problems related to revolutionary action. His essay, Eye and Mind (1960), is best known as a contribution to aesthetics. A common structure exists in these apparently disparate works. We must reject the illusion of subjective clairvoyance as a standard of revolutionary praxis; but also we must reject any idealised light of reason that illuminates all—that promises a history without shadows. The revolutionary nature of an act must be established as such through praxis. The creative praxes of the political revolutionary or the revolutionary artist are recognised ex post facto; yet each involves the creation of its own new aesthetic wherein the value of that praxis is to be understood spontaneously and all at once.
Sartrean Ethics in History, 1938–1948 – From Kantian Universalism to Derision
Translator : Ârash Aminian Tabrizi
political dimensions were as one. It was a propitious situation for the heroism of freedom, a situation which sets up the tone of the Essai d’ontologie phénoménologique and is expressed best by a formulation found in a post-war article: ‘Jamais nous n
An Unknown Text by Émile Durkheim
In April 1917, the daily newspaper La Dépêche de Toulouse – The Toulouse Wire – published Durkheim’s response to a survey entitled ‘The Politics of the Future’. Along with a number of politicians, economists and intellectuals, the sociologist was asked to give his opinion on party politics after the end of the war, and specifically on the country’s economic reconstruction.
It is quite difficult to diagnose the state of mind that France will be in at the end of the war, and accordingly what, at that time, will be the dominant political movement.
A Critical Realist Approach
bossy, superior in power and position, insulting, and property occupying” ( Cheng et al. 2011: 228 ). Historically, the appearance of anti-bullying policy could be also seen as a legacy of party politics and political governance as represented in school
This article considers Sartre's perspective on political violence with reference to his 1948 play Dirty Hands. Focusing on the concrete political questions that confronted Sartre in his context, it traces the development and result of conversations with Merleau-Ponty, Camus and the Marxist tradition that shaped his thinking on this subject. At the end of this dialectical process, Sartre arrived at a position that refused both bourgeois humanism, with its disavowal of political violence, and what is here termed Official Communism – the prevailing Manichean politics of his day and the institutionalized repression that went along with it. In other words, he affirmed the violence of the political without by that token affirming the politics of violence. It is argued here that these conversations and this conclusion are dramatically illustrated in Dirty Hands.
Laurent J.G. van der Maesen
energy; and eight other priorities. The aim is for the EU—as an embodiment of, in particular, the joint sociopolitical/legal configuration of its member states—to regain authority over climate politics for its part of the world. In line with this, Basil