Examining two Israeli cases, this article addresses the highly controversial question about the privatization of state authority. The first concerns the Supreme Court decision that prohibits private prisons, a ruling that reflects the deep-rooted assumption that criminal punishment is a matter of state authority. The second case refers to the Israeli religious organization Takana Forum, which seeks to handle sexual offenses committed by authoritative figures within its community. The relation between privatization, privacy, and multiculturalism is presented as potentially perpetuating patriarchal authority in family life, education, and punishment. Following this discussion, different models of privatization based on the nature of the respective privatized authority are presented. The article concludes with an analysis of the conflict between communal and state law and its potential effect on Israel's collective co-existence.
Prisons, Sanctions, and Education
Kibbutz Yakum as a Case Study
Amir Har-Gil and Inbal Ben-Asher Gitler
Architecture and landscape constitute key aspects of fictional realistic drama in film and television. In fictional films whose plots take place on Israeli kibbutzim, on-site cinematography is a central means of achieving a realistic and dramatic portrayal of the communal settlement and its social space. In this article, we investigate five productions filmed on location at Kibbutz Yakum. We argue that these filmic representations of architecture and landscape reify the image of the kibbutz as an introverted society that denies individuals their privacy and upholds the centrality and presence of community. By comparing the actual sites with their presentation in films, we show that the physical space of the kibbutz was filmed selectively in a manner that immortalizes its communal, 'classical' image, which in reality no longer exists. The kibbutz's transformation from a communal to a privatized society is purposely veiled in these films, preserving the kibbutz's established image.
This article discusses the form in which the “I-We“ relationship is configured in Israel, in terms of its intersection with democracy. It argues that what is usually considered as a sine qua non for a robust democracy, namely, an agonistic tension between the “I,“ that is our individual uniqueness, privacy, and personal liberty, and the “We,“ that is our collective liberty and autonomy, is absent from Israeli society. Moreover, when we examine the distribution, consumption, use, and negotiation of power in the sphere of everyday life in Israel, we find that “the military,“ its discourse, and its practices suffuse precisely those spaces where the social fabric as well as identities are being shaped. The conclusion is that the Israeli society is actually drifting away from democracy in an increasingly oppressive erasure of personal identity claims, as well as of their discourse and praxis.
Encounters in the Public Space
This article discusses the reactions of Israelis in the public space to 'mixed families' that include members of Ethiopian origin, written from the perspective of members of such families. The findings reveal that Israelis still react to the dark skin color of Ethiopians in mixed families and that, in most cases, 'black colors white', that is, behavior toward the mixed family is determined mainly by the presence of its black member. The three typical responses are as follows: (1) expressions of surprise at the presence of an Ethiopian in the family, evincing a stereotypical view of Ethiopian immigrants and their place in Israeli society; (2) invasions of privacy that are perceived by the family members as greatly exaggerated when compared with Israeli norms; and (3) declarations of appreciation for/admiration of the 'white' partner in the family for 'lifting up' the 'black' person through a (supposedly) altruistic act. The major conclusion is that Israeli society has yet to accept mixed families that include Jews of Ethiopian origin as a normative category.
cultural commitments had not, after all, been relegated to the privacy of the home and the synagogue, but had claims on the public good. These were thick commitments that enlisted loyalty to a community, as opposed to the thin commitments of a rights
Janet Elise Johnson and Mara Lazda
of resistance to communism and was the often-beloved place of privacy, trust, and survival. Nor could they use the old language of communist “emancipation,” because many remembered those old solutions to “the woman question” as crudely instrumental
Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild
ambivalent role of the parental home. Housing is an especially vexed subject. Shortage of living space is a Soviet legacy. Most city dwellers live in high-rise apartment blocks, in cramped apartments with little privacy. As the author notes, the “parental
Between Politics, Society, and Culture
Sigal Ben-Rafael Galanti, Fany Yuval, and Assaf Meydani
.1111/jpim.12307 Tucker , Catherine E. 2014 . “ Social Networks, Personalized Advertising, and Privacy Controls .” NET Institute Working Paper 10-07, MIT Sloan Research Paper No. 4851-10. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1694319 . van Acker , Wouter
Sex, Gender, and Emotions among Polish Displaced Person in the Aftermath of World War II
concerning privacy and intimacy was as follows: “a huge empty room spread out in front of our eyes, there was a pile of mattresses in the corner, mostly made of straw … There were many people and few mattresses. So it was necessary to share a mattress and
Collaborative Digital Mapping with the Itelmen Peoples
Brian Thom, Benedict J. Colombi, and Tatiana Degai
ownership and control of these data are squarely in the hands of their creators. Data hosted in Google’s cloud services (including, for this project, YouTube, MyMaps, and Fusion Tables) also have strong provisions for local ownership and practical privacy