has turned into the “subject of ‘historical thinking.’” 6 Within this new subject of historical thinking, scholars and teachers alike have differentiated between “substantive” and “procedural” concepts, with the former referring to the “content of
A Case Study of German History Textbooks
Lucas Frederik Garske
Democracy and Democide in the Weimar Republic and Beyond
That all democracies have, by their very nature, the potential to destroy themselves is a fact too rarely documented by the acolytes of democracy. Indeed, in the brief decades since Joseph Goebbels, then as Reich Minister of Propaganda, reminded the world that it 'will always remain one of the best jokes of democracy, that it gave its deadly enemies the means by which it was destroyed', democrats have quickly forgotten just how precarious a thing democracy can be. The objective of this article is to entertain the underexplored notion that democratic failure is a possibility that remains very much entrenched within the idea and ideal of democracy itself. Using the breakdown of democracy during the Weimar Republic as a brief illustrative example, the article first describes the process through which a democracy can self-destruct before offering a theoretical explanation of why this is so - one which draws its inspiration from the dual notions of autonomy and tragedy. By doing this, it will hope to have shown just how a democracy can, in the course of being democratic no less, sow the seeds of its own destruction.
the necessary requirement that responsibility ought to be recognised and, as a result of this recognition, that some reparations be made. This payment of reparations can be related to retributivism, as well as to distributive and procedural justice
Helen A. Robbins and Leigh Kuwanwisiwma
(NAGPRA) in 1990. 5 The purpose of the NAGPRA legislation was both ideological and procedural. As a form of reconciliation, it was meant to redress historic wrongs by promoting cultural and religious renewal in Native American and Native Hawaiian
Racial Politics of Mobility and Excretion among BC-Based Long Haul Truckers
social justice.” 54 By examining white truckers’ narrative engagements with racial mobility politics in the trucking industry, I have sought to map out the foundational context and procedural dynamics in and through which the normative status of the white
A Response to Counter-majoritarian and Epistemic Critiques
Marcus Schulzke and Amanda Carroll
This essay defends judicial review on procedural grounds by showing that it is an integral part of American democracy. Critics who object to judicial review using counter-majoritarian and epistemic arguments raise important concerns that should shape our understanding of the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, critics often fail to account for the formal and informal mechanisms that overcome these difficulties. Critics also fail to show that other branches of government could use the power of Constitutional interpretation more responsibly. By defending judicial review in the American context, this essay demonstrates that judicial review is not inherently undemocratic.
Recent discussions by Martha Nussbaum and Steven Wall shed new light on the concept of reasonableness in political liberalism and whether the inclusion of epistemic elements in the concept necessarily makes political liberalism lose its antiperfectionist appeal. This article argues that Nussbaum’s radical solution to eliminate the epistemic component of reasonableness is neither helpful nor necessary. Instead, adopting a revised understanding of epistemic reasonableness in terms of a weak view of rationality that is procedural, external and second-order rather than a strong view that is substantial, internal and first-order can help political liberalism maintain an epistemic dimension in the idea of reasonableness without becoming perfectionist. In addition, political liberalism can defend a stronger account of respect for persons against liberal perfectionism on the basis of the revised understanding of epistemic reasonableness. Both arguments serve to demonstrate the strength of the political liberal project.
Motoring and the Semantics of Space in Early Twentieth-Century British Travel Writing
When, in the early twentieth century, British middle-class writers went on a tour in search of their country, travel writing not only saw the re-emergence of the home tour, but also the increasing appearance of the motorcar on British roads. With the travelogue playing the role of a discursive arena in which debates about automobility were visualized, the article argues that, as they went “in search of England,” writers like Henry Vollam Morton and J. B. Priestley not only took part in the ideological framing of motoring as a social practice, but also contributed to a change in the perception of accessing a seemingly remote English countryside. By looking at a number of contemporary British travelogues, the analysis traces the strategies of how the driving subjects staged their surroundings, and follows the authors' changing attitudes toward the cultural habit of traveling: instead of highlighting the seemingly static nature of the meaning of space, the travelogues render motoring a dynamic and procedural spatial practice, thus influencing notions of nature, progress, and tradition.
The Power Dynamics of Knowledge Production in Political Thought
Camilla Boisen and Matthew C. Murray
their social institutionalisation in Freedom Is Power by showing in brief and broad terms that there has also been an equal belief that academic and knowledge production are procedurally independent, meritocratic and external from political activity
that sense. But I am in the sense that nor am I ultimately interested in the philosophical question, ‘What is power?’, or any answer we might be able to give to it. My main concern is to think about and provide practicable, procedural means through