That all democracies have, by their very nature, the potential to destroy themselves is a fact too rarely documented by the acolytes of democracy. Indeed, in the brief decades since Joseph Goebbels, then as Reich Minister of Propaganda, reminded the world that it 'will always remain one of the best jokes of democracy, that it gave its deadly enemies the means by which it was destroyed', democrats have quickly forgotten just how precarious a thing democracy can be. The objective of this article is to entertain the underexplored notion that democratic failure is a possibility that remains very much entrenched within the idea and ideal of democracy itself. Using the breakdown of democracy during the Weimar Republic as a brief illustrative example, the article first describes the process through which a democracy can self-destruct before offering a theoretical explanation of why this is so - one which draws its inspiration from the dual notions of autonomy and tragedy. By doing this, it will hope to have shown just how a democracy can, in the course of being democratic no less, sow the seeds of its own destruction.
Democracy and Democide in the Weimar Republic and Beyond
the necessary requirement that responsibility ought to be recognised and, as a result of this recognition, that some reparations be made. This payment of reparations can be related to retributivism, as well as to distributive and procedural justice
Families, hidden family links and family origins feature largely in the detective novels of both P.D. James and Reginald Hill, as indeed they did for their precursor Agatha Christie. With their more recent police procedurals, however, both authors have intensified the plotting around the motif of family and friends. James and Hill now write long and expansive novels, introducing us to large, extended communities often consisting of a central family, their servants and employees, their friends and lovers, and at times even a dependent village. The novels by P.D. James, featuring the policeman Adam Dalgliesh, and the novels by Reginald Hill, based around the detectives Dalziel and Pascoe, are hugely popular detective series. However, in narratological terms, the novels’ length and the sheer complexity of the plotting around the family would initially appear to be distinctly counterproductive. Indeed, as the detectives interview them one by one, so many family and friends pass the review that one of the basic features of narrative would appear to be undermined, the narrative tension established in a novel’s opening pages and arching down to its closing sentence.
not the result of the Queen's wish; rather, it was the result of procedural necessity. In 1583, a son of the German Elector Palatine named Sidney as his proxy when he was to be made a Knight of the Garter. To make him eligible as proxy, the Queen had
Walking and Looking in Ken Cockburn and Alec Finlay’s The Road North
Alice Tarbuck and Simone Kotva
does for Clark, for Finlay these votive haiku and their concrete descriptions balance the immersive with the procedural: they are ‘alignments’, ways of ‘absorbing a place’ in the intervals between walking, a ‘way to be there’ which are at once gifts
A Response to Counter-majoritarian and Epistemic Critiques
Marcus Schulzke and Amanda Carroll
This essay defends judicial review on procedural grounds by showing that it is an integral part of American democracy. Critics who object to judicial review using counter-majoritarian and epistemic arguments raise important concerns that should shape our understanding of the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, critics often fail to account for the formal and informal mechanisms that overcome these difficulties. Critics also fail to show that other branches of government could use the power of Constitutional interpretation more responsibly. By defending judicial review in the American context, this essay demonstrates that judicial review is not inherently undemocratic.
Recent discussions by Martha Nussbaum and Steven Wall shed new light on the concept of reasonableness in political liberalism and whether the inclusion of epistemic elements in the concept necessarily makes political liberalism lose its antiperfectionist appeal. This article argues that Nussbaum’s radical solution to eliminate the epistemic component of reasonableness is neither helpful nor necessary. Instead, adopting a revised understanding of epistemic reasonableness in terms of a weak view of rationality that is procedural, external and second-order rather than a strong view that is substantial, internal and first-order can help political liberalism maintain an epistemic dimension in the idea of reasonableness without becoming perfectionist. In addition, political liberalism can defend a stronger account of respect for persons against liberal perfectionism on the basis of the revised understanding of epistemic reasonableness. Both arguments serve to demonstrate the strength of the political liberal project.
The Power Dynamics of Knowledge Production in Political Thought
Camilla Boisen and Matthew C. Murray
their social institutionalisation in Freedom Is Power by showing in brief and broad terms that there has also been an equal belief that academic and knowledge production are procedurally independent, meritocratic and external from political activity
that sense. But I am in the sense that nor am I ultimately interested in the philosophical question, ‘What is power?’, or any answer we might be able to give to it. My main concern is to think about and provide practicable, procedural means through
only satisfies the procedural aspect of representation while failing to satisfy the substantive requirement of representation (ibid.: 307). Put simply, this means that majoritarianism, while retaining features of parliamentary representation; fails to