Hervéism gradually emerged as a quixotic crusade attempting to unite the extreme Left in order to prevent war, promote socialism, and—presumably—incite revolution. By the time French socialists unified in April 1905, the Hervéistes or Insurrectionels were
Gustave Hervé and the Great War
Michael B. Loughlin
Romantic Socialism and the Afterlife of a Cross-Sex Friendship in French Political Culture, 1880–1929
political consciousness of the imminent revolutionary moment when the French people would re-make an unjust world. 11 As Séverine put it, Vallès taught her to practice romantic socialism: “to see, to hear, and to meditate—to sympathize, especially with the
Workers, Colonial Subjects, and the Affective Politics of French Romantic Socialism
Naomi J. Andrews
Writing in the first issue of his journal La Revue sociale, ou Solution pacifique du problème du prolétariat in 1845, Pierre Leroux suggested the ambitious scope of early socialism: “man’s right and his interest being the free communion with all
David L. Kelly
Foster, John B., Brett Clark, and Richard York. 2010. The Ecological Rift: Capitalism’s War on the Earth. New York: Monthly Review Press.
Williams, Chris. 2010. Ecology and Socialism: Solutions to Capitalist Ecological Crisis. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books.
A Noospheric Social Quality Orientation for Development toward Sustainability
Vyacheslav Nikolayevitch Bobkov and Nikolay Vyacheslavovich Bobkov
socionatural evolution based on the social intellect and educational society embodied in the Manifesto of Noospheric Socialism ( Subetto 2011 ). The second is connected with articulating the organizational and legal bases for regulating the movement of
Susan Stedman Jones
This paper explores the nature of Durkheim’s theoretical language concerning the whole and the individual. I look at the questions of holism and individualism throughout his thought, but I particularly focus on ‘L’individualisme et les intellectuels’, where he enters the debate over the Dreyfus affair, espousing the language of intellectual and moral right. I examine the historical and philosophical background of this and the tensions between individualism and socialism, within neglected aspects of French political history. Here a new language of individuality and right was forged, not simply through the pressure of events, but through a re-thinking of socialist holism from within a philosophical tradition.
David F. Patton
, such as West Germany's unilateral disarmament and neutrality in place of nato membership, positions that struck many during the Cold War as dangerous. Seven years later, the Party of Democratic Socialism ( pds ), which was the successor to the
This article delves into the relationship between cultural radio and the Cold War. After 1945, culural radio took on a central role in the intellectual self-understanding of the early Federal Republic. From the very beginning, there was much less censorship than with political editorial departments. Thus, it was possible for cultrual radio to offer an intellectual forum in which socialism was not simply dismissed due to the official anticommunist political doctrine. This article shows the ways in which the East-West conflict was present in the cultrual departments of radio broadcasters. It argues that socialism appeared less as an ideological restraint or taboo, but rather as a productive challenge, which in the end was part of the modernization of West Germany's intellectual self-understanding. Two prominent examples buttress this argument: the free space that cultrual radio conquered in a kind of leftist integration with the West, and the rapid advancement of sociological discourse.
This is an essay – along with another, by Raymond Boudon – on The Cambridge Companion to Durkheim (2005), edited by Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith. With becoming modesty, the editors admit that their argument for a 'cultural turn' in Durkheimian interpretation isn't universally accepted. Yet there is little sign, in their collection, of contributions that dispute their position. Certainly, some of the articles are interesting and stimulating, though others are modest in another sense, even quite flawed – as in some of their ideas about America. True, in his own article, Alexander makes a good enough case for a 'cultural turn'. But he seems unaware of Durkheim's last publication in his lifetime, 'The Politics of the Future' (1917). And in general, it is necessary to challenge 'culturalism'. This essay suggests an alternative, based not only on The Division of Labour, but the continuing relevance of Durkheim's belief in the need for socialism.
In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,
the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted the
name Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),
which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of Democratic
Socialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in the
German Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemably
discredited, and the new leadership of this successor party was
obliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefine
their political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoption
of a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s political
past. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SED
policy had been based on the principle that inequality is economically
determined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchy
as a separate issue.