the metal stereotype, the exact replica used for printing. Since many stereotypes could be cast from the original plate, numerous presses could churn out identical pages. 4 The use of stereotypes and the development of mechanized steam-driven presses
Tunisia and France in the 1960s
attachment” across Africa can debunk colonial stereotypes as well as scholarly tendencies that reduce intimacy to sex. The study of love must acknowledge the “problem of universality and difference.” 18 As with other global phenomenon, romantic imaginaries
Muslim Responses to Pegida and Islamophobia in Germany
a homogeneous group, thus creating the risk of inadvertently reinforcing what one seeks to combat: namely, the stereotype of a monolithic and static entity that Muslims in Germany do not in fact represent. Moreover, the perceived need to speak with
A Comedic Film between History and Memory
French bourgeois. As Rabine noted, Pivert was himself a stereotype. The Mythical Bourgeois The film historian Jean-Pierre Jeancolas lamented that the cinematic season of 1973–1974 confirmed one truth about French cinema: comedy was “a dead genre.” 36 The
Tzvetan Todorov, On Human Diversity: Nationalism, Racism, and Exoticism in French Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993)
Sue Peabody, “There Are No Slaves in France”: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996)
Patricia M. E. Lorcin, Imperial Identities: Stereotyping, Prejudice and Race in Colonial Algeria (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 1995)
Maxim Silverman, Deconstructing the Nation: Immigration, Racism and Citizenship in Modern France (London and New York: Routledge, 1992)
Controlling Colonial Migrants in Interwar France and Senegal
Johann Le Guelte
This article examines the politics of interwar colonial identification practices put into place by the French colonial state in order to curtail the mobility of colonial (im)migrants. I argue that photography was used as a tool of imperial control in both French West Africa (AOF) and metropolitan France, since colonial men’s inability to provide the required photographic portraits often prevented them from moving around the empire. In response, colonial subjects appropriated photography in alternative ways to subvert these administrative restrictions. Moreover, they took advantage of metropolitan racial stereotypes to contest Western identification practices.
This essay is an intimate account of my encounter with Aimé Césaire. I first met him in high school. I was seventeen years old, and I had never read any work comparable to his Notebook of a Return to the Native Land. That book left me confused. The more I read the less I understood. A student in lettres modernes at Université Charles De Gaulle, I became tormented by identity issues. My years in France introduced me to racism, to an other who observed me without seeing me—between us centuries of violence, stereotypes, misunderstanding, unrequited love, unresolved conflict, unshared suffering. How do you get rid of the cutting glance that murders the Promise of Tomorrow? Césaire gave me an answer to that question.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, unification, and the subsequent reinvention
of the nation, German filmmakers have revisited their
country’s cinematic traditions with a view to placing themselves creatively
in the tradition of its intellectual and artistic heritage. One of
the legacies that has served as a point of a new departure has been
the Heimatfilm, or homeland film. As a genre it is renowned for its
restorative stance, as it often features dialect and the renunciation of
current topicality, advocates traditional gender roles, has antimodern
overtones of rural, pastoral, often alpine, images, and expresses
a longing for premodern times, for “the good old days” that supposedly
still exist away from the urban centres. The Nazis used Heimat
films in an effort “to idealize ‘Bauerntum’ as the site of desirable traditions
and stereotyped the foreign (most often the urban) as the
breeding ground for moral decay.”
A Generation in the Making
In the spring of 2000, the Financial Times eagerly predicted that the world would be piloted by a new global generation of managers who, having been educated at business schools, share similar ideas and values.1 To this generation belong managers in start-up companies that provide goods and services online. These e-managers work with and on the Internet, which reaches worldwide instantly and redefines our concepts of time and place. Since emanagers have the whole world as their “playground,” they are likely to replace traditional nation-based feelings of belonging with new values and identities. French magazines went even further than the Financial Times, stating that since e-managers speak English and have adopted the American way of doing business, they would eventually Americanize French society.2 Or, rather, e-managers would turn France into a society that mirrored the stereotypes of American society that have been prevalent in France.
This paper seeks to offer an assessment of the nature of identity among Poland's German minority and to investigate why since 1950 large numbers of that minority have migrated to Germany. It does so by examining the nature of identity in the historic Polish-German borderlands, by recounting the experiences of those Germans who remained behind in Poland after the post World War Two expulsion process was completed in 1949, and by examining the continued salience of negative stereotypes of Germans and Germany among elements of Polish society. The paper highlights a number of salient factors of importance for members of the minority in deciding whether or not to stay in Poland or to migrate to Germany.