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Le Rallye Méditerranée-le Cap

Racing towards Eurafrica?

Megan Brown

Abstract

The retired military officers who organized the Rallye Méditerranée-le-Cap, a biennial car race from Algiers to Cape Town, did so to promote Eurafrica. Eurafrica, an idealized geopolitical fusion of the continents, would be a site of European partnership, with the rally literally paving the way. When its wealthy participants first took to the road in 1951, France, Belgium, and Britain administered much of the course. This article argues that the organizers viewed tourism as the best method for upholding European sovereignty in Africa. However, they did not account for new ways of doing empire in the postwar era, most notably the strength of anti-imperial activism and the advent of technologies that did not require direct access to large swathes of land. By the time of the fifth and final rally in 1961, organizers contended with realities they preferred to ignore: newly independent African states and the ongoing Algerian War of Independence.

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Paul Jankowski, Clifford Rosenberg, and Rebecca Pulju

Rhineland crisis in 1936, the country’s leaders felt more than ever that they could not act without Britain. That had already become clear fourteen years earlier, when they occupied the Ruhr and when their strength relative to Germany’s was infinitely

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Hannah Callaway, Alec G. Hargreaves, and John P. Murphy

understandable if Kleppinger stops short of fully answering them. But she is firmly of the view that socio-political readings of her corpus “do not always do justice to the full artistic strengths of the novels” (4), and she offers at least three different types

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Christopher E. Forth

, as an object of unrequited erotic attention by the same women. In Britain, Charles Gordon would offer a similar combination of “feminine” gentleness and humility with the strength and force that would still qualify him as a “masculine” hero (87). The

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Aro Velmet and Rachel Kantrowitz

the French empire through schooling. The strength of Gamble’s monograph lies in both its chronological reach and its focus on elite African voices, mostly Senegalese. Gamble positions his work as one that “deliberately tacks back and forth between

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Edward Berenson, Elinor Accampo, Joseph Bohling, and Michael Seidman

second, a former soldier who ascended quickly to the Sûreté’s upper ranks on the strength of his brash personality. Taylor, in particular, didn’t inspire much confidence in his contemporaries, and his most persistent critic seems to be Georges Grison, the

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After the Party

Trump, Le Pen, and the New Normal

Anne Sa’adah

proposed, combined with a systematic communications effort, would win popular support for the FN’s agenda, while organizational strength and discipline would allow the Front to profit politically from the attitudinal changes it was promoting. Second, the

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Eric Jennings, Hanna Diamond, Constance Pâris de Bollardière, and Jessica Lynne Pearson

empires hinged not only on the strength of armies and the wit of generals, but also on the provision of social services and the development of medical care. As they sought to establish their own sovereignty over an independent nation, the ability of anti

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Outrageous Flirtation, Repressed Flirtation, and the Gallic Singularity

Alexis de Tocqueville's Comparative Views on Women and Marriage in France and the United States

Jean Elisabeth Pedersen

conclude that American ones were the best: Begin by noting that if democratic peoples grant women the right to choose their husbands freely, they are careful first to furnish their minds with the enlightenment and their wills with the strength that may be

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Nathan Bracher

they simply dismissed it all as lies and slander spewed by the reactionaries. But if they did get wind of the purges, and had the strength to admit that the rumors were true, then I can only imagine their pain, the humiliation of betrayal by the man for