The South African university system has experienced intense student-led protests since early 2015. One of the stakes in the conflict is democratic legitimacy. The legitimacy conflicts roiling universities are, to be sure, not mainly about
with this humanism, his radical approach to pedagogy and profound impact on a generation of white students, his commitment to a socialist non-racialism, and more besides. In this brief essay, however, I want to recall Turner’s labour politics, which I
It is a great honour to have Cosmopolitan Justice reviewed in the pages of this journal. Indeed, the range and quality of the reviews are terrific, in the multiple senses of that word. I regret that I do not have the opportunity to respond fully to any of the reviews. Nonetheless, I shall try to do justice to the most serious issues raised. The next section, the most abstract of five, addresses challenges to the constructivist justification in Cosmopolitan Justice as well as the nature of duties of justice in the absence of a legal framework. Although this section may be particularly interesting to students of philosophy, those whose interests are relatively more applied can skip ahead. Section III takes up the issues of sovereignty and intervention; Section IV addresses matters of distributive justice.
Market English, Biopower, and the World Bank
J. Paul Narkunas
In 1997, the World Bank Group1 published in English one of its many country studies, entitled Vietnam: Education Financing. Its goal was to measure ‘what changes in educational policies will ensure that students who pass through the system today will acquire the knowledge, skills and attitudes needed for Vietnam to complete the transition successfully from a planned to a market economy’(World Bank 1997: xiii). Skills, knowledge, and attitude designate the successfully ‘educated’ Vietnamese national subjects for the bank. The educational ‘system’ performs, therefore, a disciplinary function by using the technologies of the nation state to cultivate productive humans—measured by technical expertise and computer and business skills—for transnational companies who do business in the region.
Richard Rorty and American Intellectuals
Rorty wrote his Achieving Our Country as a philosopher, intellectual, academic and citizen, and each of these perspectives lead to a different emphasis in reading his book, and to a different story (and ‘storytelling’ is one of the themes of the book). The emergent pictures vary: the philosopher tells a story of the growing isolation and cultural sterility of analytic philosophy in the United States of America after the Second World War; the intellectual tells a story of the political bareness and practical uselessness of (the majority of) American leftist intellectuals in the context of the emerging new global order at the turn of the 21st century; the academic tells the story about humanities’ departments at American universities, especially departments of literature and cultural studies, and their students, and contrasts their possible future fate with the past fate of departments of analytical philosophy and their students; and, finally, the citizen tells a story about the nationhood, politics, patriotism, reformism (as well as the inherent dangers and opportunities of globalization). Rorty plays the four descriptions off against one another perfectly and Achieving Our Country represents him at his very best: Rorty is passionate, inspiring, uncompromising, biting and very relevant to current public debates. Owing to the intelligent combination of the above perspectives, the clarity and elegance of his prose, and (although not revealed directly) the wide philosophical background provided by his new pragmatism, the book differs from a dozen others written in the 1990s about the American academy and American intellectuals. It also sheds new and interesting light on Rorty’s pragmatism, providing an excellent example of the application of his philosophical views. One has to note that, generally, it is almost impossible to think of any piece written by Rorty outside of the context of his philosophy, and Achieving Our Country is no exception to this rule.
Richard Turner and South African Liberalism
with the suburban milieu in which they were raised. Turner steered a significant minority of white students to think and act in ways which rejected the liberalism of their time and enabled them to play a secondary but significant role in the fight
A History of Richard Turner’s Eclipse and Resurgence
South Africa, a ripple of a far wider global movement of young adults. As is well-known, in 1968 the world was shaken by student and worker demonstrations as far afield as Mexico, the United States, France, Czechoslovakia and China ( Gassert and Klimke
students, and his book The Eye of the Needle was well received, as was his article in Radical Philosophy . But I suspect far fewer were aware of his deep interest in Mao and the Chinese Cultural Revolution (still – depending on how one periodises it – in
A Commentary on Jeff Jackson
William R. Caspary
manifesto of Students for a Democratic Society, which introduced the term “participatory democracy” into general currency ( Students for a Democratic Society 1964 ; Isserman 2001 ; Miller 1994 ). First, the mention of other “sectors of society” is crucial
Rick Turner and the End of the Durban Moment
rooted in centralised, hierarchical modes of organising. 6 Further, given the fact that many of the people that were in leadership within the emerging trade union movement had been students of, or were otherwise deeply influenced by Rick Turner, I assert