Colin and Cilluffo's graphic novel, World Trade Angels, is an illustration of the creation, through language and image, of a new vocabulary and a new imaginaire, after the events of 11 September 2001. No previously existing language is adequate; the authors introduce a new verbal, temporal, and pictorial vocabulary to try to represent the unrepresentable of that day. Significantly, in this work, divisions, grills, grates, bars and squares all multiply until the representation of the entire city is seen as a reproduction of the façade of the towers and a reflection of that façade that no longer exists. And as a synecdoche of that grillwork that quickly becomes a penetrable portcullis or an inescapable set of prison bars, the authors introduce the leit-motiv of a fire escape, but one that leads not to safety but to perdition and repetition. It is this set of figures I explore in this article.
Colin and Cilluffo's World Trade Angels
Lawrence R. Schehr
to Anatolia and greater Syria, whereas the central province of Baghdad supported sedentary agriculture and traded primarily with Iran and the southwest. Basra, the southern province, was oriented the Persian Gulf and overseas trade with India. When
Commerce, Mobility and Masculinity among Afghan Traders in Eurasia
This article explores intersections between masculinity, mobility, generation and commerce through the everyday lives of Afghan men who make up trading networks that are active across Eurasia. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork among Afghan traders in Ukraine’s port city of Odessa and in the international trading city of Yiwu in China. Building on recent work in anthropology concerning the ‘emergent’ nature of Middle Eastern masculinities, the article brings attention to the flexible and adaptable nature of the notions of masculinity held and performed by mobile Afghan traders. It emphasises the need for such conceptions of masculinity to be treated historically and draws attention to the forms of caregiving that are especially important to the traders’ intimate lives and self-understandings. The article also highlights the significance of complex notions of trust both to the traders’ articulation of conceptions of manliness and to their everyday modes of securing a livelihood.
Excerpt from Guillermo Giucci's Tierra del Fuego: La creación del fin del mundo
The idea of the world as a sphere was an old theoretical presupposition. Only with both the crossing of the Strait of Magellan and circumnavigation were the geographical areas unknown to the Europeans opened to global trade. Therefore, this world event would be inscribed in the annals of history as a marker of the beginning of modernity, the era of maritime colonization that forever altered the notion of radical isolation.
Germany’s Leadership Demand and Followership Inclusion, 2008-2018
Valerio Alfonso Bruno and Giacomo Finzi
.s.-eu trade war (2018). Political: including the landmark “Brexit” vote in the United Kingdom (2016); the rise of radical right nationalist and xenophobic populist movements in Eastern Europe and in other eu countries alongside the success of radical left
European Sugar Reform in Poland
Dong Ju Kim
In the last two decades, privatisation has been slowly progressing in Poland. I examine the case of beet-sugar factories in western Poland, which were privatised between 1995 and 2003. As this process was coming to an end, reform for the European Common Agricultural Policy was implemented and, after Poland joined the European Union, the European sugar market reform started to take shape as a result of a global trade dispute on subsidised sugar prices. I recount the story of sugar factory privatisation and multiple reform processes from the viewpoint of sugar beet farmers, factory managers, and local rural experts from the province of Wielkopolska in western Poland. These accounts will show how sugar market reforms affected the aftermath of privatisation and factory close-downs, and how these experiences have prompted local people to think of being Polish within Europe, but reluctantly European within a global framework of sugar trade.
Over the past decade Germany has had one of the most successful
economies in the developed world. Despite the ongoing Euro crisis unemployment
has fallen below 7 percent, reaching its lowest levels since German
reunification in 1990. Germany’s youth unemployment is among the
lowest in Europe, far beneath the European average.1 One of the most
important engines of the German economy today, and in fact throughout
the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, has been its export sector. As Ludwig
Erhard, West Germany’s Economics Minister during the Wirtschaftswunder
of the 1950s remarked: “foreign trade is quite simply the core and
premise of our economic and social order.”2 According to various estimates,
today exports and imports of goods and services account for nearly a half of
German GDP—up from only a quarter in 1990. Germany is one of only three
economies that do over a trillion dollars worth of exports a year, the other
two being the United States and China.
An Oral History of the Muleteers of Zhaozhou
Ma Jianxiong and Ma Cunzhao
Mule caravans established a network across physical, political, and ethnic boundaries that integrated Southwest China, Southeast Asia, and Tibet. This article is a first exploration of this little-known mobile network. Based mainly on oral history, it focuses on the mule caravans based in Zhaozhou in western Yunnan from the late Qing to the 1940s, when the first motor roads were constructed. The investigation assembles horse and mule technologies and trade organization in detail in order to reconstruct the role and standing of transporters and their networks in local society, in the regional setting, in a volatile political environment, and in the face of challenging natural conditions.
Remembering the PCF and CGT
Philippe Herzog and Jean-Louis Moynot were members of the top leaderships of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), respectively. Each participated in and lived through the dramatic years from the 1960s through the 1980s when both organizations first supported Union de la Gauche and then turned away from it, eventually precipitating both into decline in ways that would transform eventually the French political and trade union left. The strategic shifts underlying these deep and significant changes were traumatic for those who lived through them. Herzog and Moynot have recently published memoirs detailing their experiences of this period and their political lives thereafter. Both books, in different ways, give us new and important understandings of what happened during a critical moment of change in French politics.
The most common perception of France found these days in the American media is that of an arrogant country, whose international gesticulations are the last hurrah masking its inevitable decline into oblivion. The French have not yet come to terms with their lengthy collapse, which started with the devastation of World War I, continued with the humiliation of their defeat in 1940 and was furthered by the loss of their colonial empire. This would explain their support, still to this day, for a Gaullist policy made up of power incantations, in contrast to real power—or lack thereof. Of course, this characterization is meant as much as an insult as an objective statement of fact. What few of these American commentators comprehend, however, is how much this image of a nation blinded by self-confidence is erroneous. On the contrary, the French have excelled at self-flagellation for a long time, rightly or wrongly. Whether one calls it “malaise” or decline, French commentators are the first to confess that France is free-falling—whether vis-à-vis the US, its European partners, or its own aspirations.