In the early twentieth century, French academic veterinarians launched a meat trade reform movement. Their primary objective was the construction of a network of regional industrial abattoirs equipped with refrigeration. These modern, efficient abattoirs-usines would produce and distribute chilled dead meat, rather than livestock, to centers of consumption, particularly Paris. This system was hygienic and economical and intended to replace the insanitary artisanal meat trade centered on the La Villette cattle market and abattoir in Paris. The first abattoirs-usines opened during World War I, but within 10 years the experiment had begun to encounter serious difficulties. For decades afterward, the experiment survived in the collective memory as a complete fiasco, even though some abattoirs-usines in fact persisted by altering their business models. This article examines the roadblocks of the interwar era and the effects of both the problems and their perception on the post-1945 meat trade.
The French monarchy's determination to suspend the trading rights of the Compagnie des Indes in 1769 stimulated a lively public debate over the establishment of commercial liberty in the Indies trade. Since mid-century, Vincent de Gournay and his disciples had advocated increased liberty in French commerce, and the Compagnie des Indes' privileged trading monopoly offered a tempting target for these reformers. Working on behalf of the ministry, the abbé Morellet undertook the task of convincing public opinion of the benefits that liberty of commerce in the Indies trade would bring to France. However, the company's principal banker Jacques Necker and physiocrat Pierre-Samuel Dupont raised serious doubts concerning both the feasibility and the value of such reform. These critiques challenged any expectation that commercial liberty would increase French strength in the Indies trade or contest British political hegemony in India after the Seven Years' War.
Fernando R. Tesón
I agree with many of the theses advanced by Darrel Moellendorf in his important book. The book covers just about every single issue in international ethics: an individualist theory of sovereignty; an essentially Rawlsian philosophical methodology; the justice of immigration and trade controls; the justice of intervention and war; and a theory of global equality of opportunity. Moellendorf proposes a world of liberal separate states (similar to my own proposal)1 but committed to a scheme of non-statist global redistribution run by a sort of international agency. He thus joins other liberal commentators who have reacted to John Rawls’ rejection of principles of global socioeconomic justice.2 As is well known, Rawls’ principles of international justice are anti-cosmopolitan, not just in the sense that worries Moellendorf, that is, of eschewing global redistribution of wealth, but also in the area of human rights, where Rawls has essentially renounced global liberalism.3 Moellendorf believes, like those other liberal critics, that Rawls is wrong and justice requires transfers of wealth from citizens in rich countries to those in poor countries.
Rick Turner and the End of the Durban Moment
radical notions put forward during the Durban moment. Rob Lambert gives a typical summary of this popular interpretation, as follows: ‘The ideas of internal democracy, participation, power and methods of resistance transformed South African trade unionism
Excerpt from Guillermo Giucci's Tierra del Fuego: La creación del fin del mundo
The idea of the world as a sphere was an old theoretical presupposition. Only with both the crossing of the Strait of Magellan and circumnavigation were the geographical areas unknown to the Europeans opened to global trade. Therefore, this world event would be inscribed in the annals of history as a marker of the beginning of modernity, the era of maritime colonization that forever altered the notion of radical isolation.
Germany’s Leadership Demand and Followership Inclusion, 2008-2018
Valerio Alfonso Bruno and Giacomo Finzi
.s.-eu trade war (2018). Political: including the landmark “Brexit” vote in the United Kingdom (2016); the rise of radical right nationalist and xenophobic populist movements in Eastern Europe and in other eu countries alongside the success of radical left
Sex Trade in the Borderlands of Europe
Tracie L. Wilson
identities and women’s calls for emancipation, as well as fears about crime and stereotypes of the alleged predatory nature of Jews. 5 Narratives about the threat of the sex trade were also used to advance the agendas of specific activist groups, namely
Over the past decade Germany has had one of the most successful
economies in the developed world. Despite the ongoing Euro crisis unemployment
has fallen below 7 percent, reaching its lowest levels since German
reunification in 1990. Germany’s youth unemployment is among the
lowest in Europe, far beneath the European average.1 One of the most
important engines of the German economy today, and in fact throughout
the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, has been its export sector. As Ludwig
Erhard, West Germany’s Economics Minister during the Wirtschaftswunder
of the 1950s remarked: “foreign trade is quite simply the core and
premise of our economic and social order.”2 According to various estimates,
today exports and imports of goods and services account for nearly a half of
German GDP—up from only a quarter in 1990. Germany is one of only three
economies that do over a trillion dollars worth of exports a year, the other
two being the United States and China.
An Oral History of the Muleteers of Zhaozhou
Ma Jianxiong and Ma Cunzhao
Mule caravans established a network across physical, political, and ethnic boundaries that integrated Southwest China, Southeast Asia, and Tibet. This article is a first exploration of this little-known mobile network. Based mainly on oral history, it focuses on the mule caravans based in Zhaozhou in western Yunnan from the late Qing to the 1940s, when the first motor roads were constructed. The investigation assembles horse and mule technologies and trade organization in detail in order to reconstruct the role and standing of transporters and their networks in local society, in the regional setting, in a volatile political environment, and in the face of challenging natural conditions.
Remembering the PCF and CGT
Philippe Herzog and Jean-Louis Moynot were members of the top leaderships of the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), respectively. Each participated in and lived through the dramatic years from the 1960s through the 1980s when both organizations first supported Union de la Gauche and then turned away from it, eventually precipitating both into decline in ways that would transform eventually the French political and trade union left. The strategic shifts underlying these deep and significant changes were traumatic for those who lived through them. Herzog and Moynot have recently published memoirs detailing their experiences of this period and their political lives thereafter. Both books, in different ways, give us new and important understandings of what happened during a critical moment of change in French politics.