thousands throughout the July Monarchy. 3 Military violence in Algeria was an ongoing backdrop to episodic rebellions in France’s slave colonies in the Caribbean, and to frequent and often widespread worker unrest in French cities in the 1830s and 40s
Workers, Colonial Subjects, and the Affective Politics of French Romantic Socialism
Naomi J. Andrews
This article presents an account of a Qashqa'i health worker's upbringing, education and training, noting in particular his transition from life in a traditional nomadic family through completion of a formal education. The health worker, Jamal, describes certain problems of modernity and the personal conflict he faces as someone who loves his culture but also wants to see improvements in the health status of his people. Written by a Qashqa'i author, who brings his own sensitivity and cultural knowledge to the text, the article makes some recommendations about the training and integration of rural health workers in Iran.
Romanian and Bulgarian Migrant Male Sex Workers in Berlin
-in center for male sex workers there, which is run by social project Sub/Way, and in the three so-called “hustler” 1 bars located nearby. However, as a young man who was interested in the Berlin night life, I visited the Schöneberg area not only for
How Social Workers Influence What It Means to Be a Refused Asylum Seeker
Kathryn Tomko Dennler
migrants’ access to social goods, but also in how status is deployed by a wide range of people whose legal consciousness shapes their ways of relating to refused asylum seekers. In this article, I use the example of interactions between social workers and
In France in 2009-10, several managers announcing redundancies were held hostage by workers. Although the global economic crisis and an attendant rise in unemployment may provide a catalyst for "bossnappings," the real explanations for the phenomenon have to be found partly in the institutional make up of French industrial relations that have resulted in weak, divided unions and weak and conflictual collective bargaining mechanisms. However, such institutional factors cannot provide the whole explanation. Ideas also matter, and these underlying structural weaknesses have been unable to contain radical outbursts of anger when allied to pre-existing concerns over globalization—which appeared to be vindicated by the current economic crisis—, the reactions of the government to crisis, and the incapacity of unions or the state to respond to it.
De la MIFERMA à la SNIM – L'exemple d'une société minière saharienne (Mauritanie)
This article revisits, after a period of thirty years, the materials of two field researches that relate to an iron-mining company in the north of Mauritania. The MIFERMA, which had inherited the colonial past, meanwhile has become the SNIM, a nationalised company, employing exclusively Mauritanian workers. The ‘mauritanisation’ of the employees is the object of the analysis. This process has social and political features, underlying the demands of the local workers, but also symbolic and identity aspects that are of anthropological interest with regard to globalisation. The culture of the sacs à dos evident in the company underlines solidarities that are close to those of tribal society, illustrating a local adaptation of modernity in the world system. The anthropologist’s memory is here crossing the workers’ memory.
Producing East European Geosexual Backwardness in the Drop-In Centre for Male Sex Workers in Berlin
In this article I examine the negotiations of national and sexual belonging of a Romanian gay sex worker in Berlin in the contemporary geosexual context defined by binarism between ‘modern’, ‘liberal’ and ‘tolerant’ Western Europe and its ‘traditionalist’ and ‘homophobic’ East European Other. I analyse how, by means of an overt display of his own homosexuality, the sex worker symbolically distances himself from his native country. By extension, this reinforces the image of the East and its inhabitants as inherently homophobic and, therefore, backwards. The article is based on ethnographic research in the drop-in centre for male sex workers in Berlin, an environment that reveals how deeply contemporary geosexual differences are anchored in the cultural logic of everyday life.
Narratives of Romanian Construction Workers in London
in Singapore, I follow the “social reproduction of … workers as men, conditioned through their position in the division of labour” (2014: 1015), generating new forms of hegemonic masculinities. R.W Connell and James W Messerschmidt's notion of
How can one best investigate the mental attitudes and patterns of
behavior of eastern Germans eight years after political unification?
Since 1990, the method dominating this discussion has been based
on measuring the degree to which easterners have “caught up” with
the supposedly more modern western Germans. However, empirical
studies and surveys have shown that this model is an ineffective, even
inappropriate means of describing how unification has impacted the
lives of eastern Germans. In this article, I argue that a more appropriate
approach is to consider the enduring differences in the opportunity
structures among eastern and western Germans, as well as the
differences in their respective behavioral patterns. In this context,
“opportunity structure” refers to the opportunities provided and limitations
imposed by social structures. For the analysis of opportunity
structures, I focus on what I call “contradictory adaptation” and
“problematic normalization.” My analysis of behavioral patterns
emphasizes the logic internal to the subjects themselves (Eigenlogik).
This internal logic differs significantly from outsiders’ interpretations
of easterners’ behavior, as the following example illustrates.
In recent years, surveys have consistently shown relatively high levels of racism and xenophobia in France. In particular, a 1999 Harris poll conducted for the Commission nationale consultative des droits de l’homme revealed that 68 percent of the respondents in a national sample declared themselves somewhat racist; 61 percent believed that there are too many foreigners in France; 63 percent believed that there are too many Arabs (up 12 percent compared with 1998); and 38 percent believed that there are too many blacks (up 8 percent compared with 1998).1 Against the backdrop of a long, difficult, and partly repressed colonial past, a full 28 percent of French voters have, since 1983, voted at least once for the openly racist and anti-Semitic Front National.2 These results clash with the popular image of a Republican France, where the dominant political ideology affirms that the ascribed characteristics of citizens are irrelevant to their participation in the polity.