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Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O'Donoghue

English abstract: This article aims to assess the impact of the social security coordination policy on the welfare of mobile workers, defined here as the EU citizens who had previously worked in another EU country than the one where they currently reside. The following research question is investigated: "To whom does a mobile worker need to be compared: to a worker in their country of residence (domestic) or to an earner in their country of employment (mobile), and why?" The article seeks to identify the counterpart group of comparison of mobile earners, taking the case of Luxembourg and Belgium. This analysis enables us to disentangle the effects of coordination policy on more working groups, and it tries to elucidate the importance of inter-group comparison. The results illustrate that the most equally treated groups are domestic earners and mobile earners, who reside in the same country. The most unequally treated are mobile earners and domestic earners from the country of employment, the uneven contribution premiums and unemployment benefit contravenes with the principle of equal treatment praxis.

Spanish abstract: El presente artículo busca evaluar el impacto de la política de coordinación de la seguridad social sobre el bienestar de los trabajadores móviles. Mediante el análisis de la cuestión ¿con quién se debe comparar un trabajador móvil?: ¿con un trabajador nacional en su país de residencia o con un trabajador móvil en el país donde trabaja, y por qué?, se trata de identificar la situación hipotética de los trabajadores móviles mediante la comparación de los ingresos de los trabajadores nacionales y móviles en el desempleo. Este análisis nos permitirá separar los efectos de las políticas de coordinación en más grupos de trabajadores, ya que trata de dilucidar el uso de las comparaciones de los diferentes grupos de trabajadores. Los resultados muestran que el nivel de las prestaciones de desempleo entre los trabajadores nacionales y móviles, es relativamente el mismo. Al mismo tiempo, aparecen grandes discrepancias en las ganancias cuando se comparan a los trabajadores móviles con los trabajadores de su país de empleo. En este caso, la desigual contribución a las primas/beneficios y las bajas prestaciones al desempleo de los trabajadores móviles y nacionales, contraviene con la práctica del principio de igualdad de trato.

French abstract: Cet article a pour objectif d'évaluer l'impact de la politique de coordination de la sécurité sociale sur le bien-être des travailleurs mobiles en posant la question de savoir avec qui il faut les comparer. Faut-il comparer un employé mobile à un employé fixe travaillant dans son pays de résidence ou bien dans son pays d'emploi et pourquoi? Nous cherchons à me re en relief la situation hypothétique des travailleurs mobiles en comparant le revenu des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles au chômage. Cette analyse nous perme ra de mieux saisir les effets de la politique de coordination sur un grand nombre de travailleurs, tout comme elle nous permettra de montrer l'utilité qu'il y a de comparer ces différents groupes de travailleurs. Le résultat montre que le montant de l'allocation chômage est relativement similaire entre celui d'un travailleur fixe et mobile. Par ailleurs, on relève d'importantes différences entre le revenu des travailleurs mobiles et celui des travailleurs nationaux. Dans ce cas, la cotisation inégale aux primes et indemnités de chômage des travailleurs nationaux et mobiles contredit le principe d'égalité de traitement entre les personnes.

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Steve Kwok-Leung Chan

-surplus nation. More than three million Burmese work in Thailand. The vast majority is unskilled workers, and about two-thirds of them are undocumented and smuggled. The material differences between Myanmar and Thailand, including the lack of employment

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Regions, borders, and social policy

The limits of welfare in regional cohesion debates

Harlan Koff and Carmen Maganda

This first issue of Volume Four of Regions & Cohesion continues a trend of articles that gained momentum in Volume Three, focusing on the territorial aspects of welfare in social cohesion debates. The Summer 2013 issue of the journal presented a collection of articles that specifically discussed the role of borders and border policies in social cohesion politics. Although this collection was not intended to be presented as a thematically specific issue, the simultaneous arrival of these pieces highlighted the importance of borders in defining the territorial limits of cohesion and the ensuing renegotiation of these limits in political debates. For example, the article by Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O’Donoghue focused on the impacts of the European Union’s social security coordination policy on the welfare of cross-border workers in Belgium and Luxembourg. The article illustrated the limits of this regional policy as cross-border workers do not receive equal treatment compared to domestic workers in the country of employment. Similarly, an article by Franz Clément in the same issue analyzed the “socio-political representation” of cross-border workers and discusses how such workers can mobilize for socioeconomic rights in institutions aimed at worker protection (such as professional associations, trade unions, etc.). Both articles show that despite formal regionalization of legislation concerning social rights and representation, national boundaries clearly present challenges to cross-border workers who have difficulty negotiating rights in both their country of employment and country of residence.

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Franz Clément

*Full article is in French

English abstract: The article aims to define what is meant by "sociopolitical representation" and shows how, in a country like Luxembourg, many cross-border workers have become a mainstay of the labor market alongside resident workers. The text then focuses on institutional opportunities offered to workers to ensure their sociopolitical representation in Luxembourg. The article also tries to show how this form of representation can be achieved in the Chambre des salariés, labor unions, and other institutions of the Greater Region.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo intenta definir el concepto de "representación sociopolítica", y muestra cómo muchos trabajadores transfronterizos que ejercen sus actividades profesionales en un país como Luxemburgo, se han convertido en un pilar del mercado de trabajo junto con los trabajadores residentes. El texto se centra en las oportunidades institucionales que se ofrecen a los trabajadores para garantizar su representación sociopolítica en Luxemburgo. El artículo también trata de mostrar cómo esta forma de representación puede alcanzar espacios en la Chambre des salariés, sindicatos y otras instituciones de la Gran Región.

French abstract: L'article tente de définir ce que l'on entend par « représentation sociopolitique » puis montre comment, dans un pays comme le Luxembourg, les nombreux travailleurs frontaliers qui y exercent leur activité professionnelle sont devenus un véritable pilier du marché du travail aux côtés des travailleurs résidents. Le texte s'intéresse ensuite aux possibilités institutionnelles offertes à ces travailleurs a find'assurer leur représentation sociopolitique au Luxembourg. L'article tente encore de montrer comment cette forme de représentation peut se faire au sein de la Chambre des salariés, des organisations syndicales et des institutions de la Grande Région.

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Bob Deacon, Lorenzo Fioramonti, and Sonja Nita

In many respects, Europe and Africa (particularly Southern Africa) represent two opposing examples in the study of intra-regional migration and social cohesion. The European Union (EU) has been a global pioneer in allowing freedom of movement and portability of social rights across member states. A centerpiece of the EU integration process has been the progressive establishment of a common market, in which goods, services, capital, and people can move freely. With regard to the latter, the concept of free movement originally only targeted the economically active population (in other words, the free movement of workers) but was gradually extended by Treaty amendments to all citizens of the EU. This extension was further strengthened by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, which introduced the concept of citizenship in the European Union thereby establishing the fundamental and personal right to move and reside freely within the EU.

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“Illegality,“ health problems, and return migration

Cases from a migrant sending community in Puebla, Mexico

Alison Elizabeth Lee

English abstract: This article examines several cases of undocumented workers who returned to their hometown in Mexico because of unresolved health problems they suffered in the US. Their “illegal“ status complicated the prospect of a full recovery and, therefore, played an important role in their decision to return to Mexico. Access to medical services, the preference to remain invisible to the state, demanding and dangerous working conditions, lack of worker benefits, low pay and separation from family members were important factors contributing to their health problems. Interviews with migrants highlight the contradictions between full integration into the exploitative economic system and exclusion from health care. Data was collected from 2003 to 2005 and from 2011 to 2012 using ethnographic methods and in-depth interviews in a rural town in Mexico and New York City, the principal destination of the migrants from the town.

Spanish abstract: Este artículo examina varios casos de trabajadores indocumentados quienes retornaron a su pueblo natal en México, debido a problemas de salud no resueltos que sufrieron en los Estados Unidos. Su estatus "ilegal" complicó las perspectivas de una completa recuperación y, por lo tanto, jugó un papel importante en su decisión de regresar a México. El acceso a los servicios médicos, la preferencia de permanecer invisibles para el Estado, las exigentes y peligrosas condiciones de trabajo, la falta de beneficios laborales, los bajos salarios y la separación de los miembros de la familia, fueron factores importantes que contribuyeron a sus problemas de salud. Las entrevistas con los migrantes destacan las contradicciones entre la plena integración en el sistema de explotación económica y la exclusión de la atención sanitaria. Se recogieron datos de 2003 a 2005 y desde 2011 hasta 2012 usando métodos etnográficos y entrevistas en profundidad en un pueblo rural en México y en la ciudad de Nueva York, el principal destino de los migrantes.

French abstract: Cet article examine le cas de plusieurs travailleurs sans papiers forcés de retourner dans leur village natal au Mexique en raison des problèmes de santé subis et qu'ils n'ont pas pu résoudre aux États-Unis. Leur statut «illégal» a compliqué la perspective d'un rétablissement complet et a par conséquent joué un rôle important dans leur décision de retourner au Mexique. Le non accès aux services médicaux, le souci constant de rester invisible face aux autorités locales, les conditions de travail exigeantes et dangereuses, l'impossibilité d'avoir accès aux avantages sociaux traditionnellement réservés aux travailleurs, les salaires bas, ainsi que la séparation d'avec les membres de leur famille sont autant de facteurs qui contribuent à leurs problèmes de santé ou à l'aggravation de ceux-ci. Les entretiens menés avec les migrants, me ent en évidence les contradictions entre l'intégration complète dans le système d'exploitation économique et de l'exclusion aux soins de santé. Les données présentées dans ce e analyse, ont été recueillies de 2003 à 2005 et de 2011 à 2012 en utilisant des méthodes ethnographiques et des entrevues en profondeur dans un village rural au Mexique et à New York, principale destination des migrants en provenance de ce e zone.

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Report. The World Social Forum on Migrations 2012

Consolidating efforts towards an equitable society

Shirlita Africa Espinosa

From the back alleys of Madrid to the financial capital of Singapore, the migration of peoples either to flee persecution or to pursue a high-stakes transnational job is a global phenomenon. One may even say that the one permanent presence these days is a temporary migrant. The mobility of workers—and the mobility that characterizes the social world in which they live—has always had an economic interpretation manifesting in the antagonism of locals against labor migrants. The issue of migration and the attendant discourses of citizenship, social cohesion, population, resource sharing, employment, criminality, and cultural differences, to mention a few, are a common specter often raised for political maneuvering. To use the migrant subject as a scapegoat for sundry social and economic ills of the “host” society—a term that perpetuates the stereotype of the migrant as parasitical, thus, creating a fitting formula for those who hold power—is integral to the production of their subjectivity as an unwanted sector of a society. Nevertheless, the centrality of migration today in the creation of wealth in advanced economies is very much tied to the role that migrants play in the development strategies of their own nations. Through the billions of dollars transferred through remi􀄴 ances, migration is regarded as the vehicle of development for countries in the South. But if exporting cheap and temporary labor remains inexpensive as it continues to support the growth of industrialized countries both in the manufacturing and service sectors, including the domestic and affective spheres of the home, then how does migration specifically drive the development of sending countries?

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Violence and public health in the Altamira region

The construction of the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant

Rosa Elizabeth Acevedo Marin and Assis da Costa Oliveira

that emphasizes agents’ narratives as well as public discourses, reports and memories, which illustrate the social suffering in the region. This way, how the State and its institutions neglect the effects of their intervention on ethnic groups, workers

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Dudziro Nhengu

” refers to migrant workers who work in the receiving state without authorization, while “regular” refers to migrant workers who have been officially authorized to live and work in the receiving state ( Grover, 2013 ). Generally, a distinction is made

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Eliana Elisabeth Diehl and Esther Jean Langdon

inclusion of Indigenous workers on primary care teams. NGOs and universities providing health services started training Indigenous health agents in selective locations in the 1980s (see Langdon et al., 2014 , for a more exhaustive review). Their