The rise of non-Western societies, especially in Asia, to greater global influence demands greater scrutiny of how they engage the rest of the world. To date, every society with high levels of immigration is in Europe or a product of the European empires. The erosion of ethnically and racially inflected understandings of citizenship has also gone much further in the modern West than in East Asia or the Gulf States. Notably, however, liberal political theorists who make the case for a cosmopolitan opening of borders remain silent on such non-Western patterns of racial exclusion. Non-Western societies often claim that, because they are 'not an immigrant country', they should not be held to the same standards of openness and non-discrimination. International law, a product of the postcolonial moment, also has a blind spot on these issues. This article challenges such double standards. It suggests that the implicit normative argument for greater Western openness – collective guilt over the colonial experience and resulting racial stratification – leads in unexpected directions, implicating Asian societies in ways that they do not yet recognise.
Non-Western Racism and the Duties of Global Citizenship
Adam K. Webb
Statists claim that robust egalitarian distributive norms only apply between the citizens of a common state. Attempts to defend this claim on nationalist grounds often appeal to the 'associative duties' that citizens owe one another in virtue of their shared national identity. In this paper I argue that the appeal to co-national associative duties in order to defend the statist thesis is unsuccessful. I first develop a credible theory of associative duties. I then argue that although the associative theory can explain why the members of a national community should abide by egalitarian norms, it cannot show that people have a duty to become or to continue as a member of a national community in the first place. The possibility that citizens might exercise their right to reject their national membership undermines the state's ability justifiably to coerce compliance with egalitarian distributive norms and, ultimately, the statist claim itself.
Identity is a key concept in psychoanalytic psychology and, consequently, in psychohistorical studies. My task here is not to say anything further about the concept itself – my use of it will be in generalised and unrigorous terms – but to extend its use in psychohistory from its normal attachment to personal, ethnic, religious, and national contexts to the global.
In an effort towards developing a normative theory of federalism, this paper offers a critical assessment of the work of Will Kymlicka and Ferran Requejo in order to show the progress and failures of liberal nationalist authors on issues raised by the normative dimensions of federalism in Western multinational contexts. More exactly, the paper argues that both authors fail to give a complete theory of federalism because the liberal conception of self-determination as non-interference can only create superficial unity and contingent trust, especially in multinational contexts, where non-interference is to regulate relations between particular identities and conceptions of citizenship. Drawing on this critical assessment of liberal nationalism, I argue that the neo-republican ideal of non-domination, as developed by Philip Pettit (1997, 2012), provides us not only with the adequate normative heuristics to assess national rights of self-determination, but also international relations and the institutional conditions needed to create binding trust within multinational federal constellations.
here), but a common Belgium identity has not formed as much. Lacey contrasts this with Switzerland, a country in which he does find a common national identity despite the many languages spoken in the national voting space. He infers from this the
Carl Schmitt and Jean-Jacques Rousseau on a Key Question in Democratic Theory
homogeneous “identity” in the sense of “identicalness” is the work of Carl Schmitt ( Mehring 2009 ; Voigt 2011 ). One step on the way toward Schmitt’s complete conceptual radicalization is represented by Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s antiliberal break with the
A Bikoist Challenge to Professor Xolela Mangcu
. He uses Biko’s philosophy of Black Consciousness to build his argument, particularly as it pertains to his point that this race-transcendent kind of national consciousness can transcend race while preserving black identity. He describes this joint
Some Senses of Pan-Africanism from the South
, Sesanti objects that cultural unity is amply demonstrated by the underlying linguistic identity which runs through all African languages and national life. Links in African languages reflect the reality that all Africans are cultural brothers and sisters
Populism as the Ideological Embodiment of the Democratic Paradox
Anthony Lawrence Borja
leader is the democratic paradox as a set of fundamental questions on the nature of popular identity and the realisation of popular sovereignty. These questions, however, are essentially irresolvable, unless they are abandoned along with democratic
The Differential Impacts of the Global Pandemic
Kim Rubenstein, Trish Bergin, and Pia Rowe
Introduction The need for effective leadership is heightened during times of national crisis. What is more, the impact and effect of that leadership is not only in the capacity to make wise decisions, but also in the consequences for the