Statists claim that robust egalitarian distributive norms only apply between the citizens of a common state. Attempts to defend this claim on nationalist grounds often appeal to the 'associative duties' that citizens owe one another in virtue of their shared national identity. In this paper I argue that the appeal to co-national associative duties in order to defend the statist thesis is unsuccessful. I first develop a credible theory of associative duties. I then argue that although the associative theory can explain why the members of a national community should abide by egalitarian norms, it cannot show that people have a duty to become or to continue as a member of a national community in the first place. The possibility that citizens might exercise their right to reject their national membership undermines the state's ability justifiably to coerce compliance with egalitarian distributive norms and, ultimately, the statist claim itself.
Identity is a key concept in psychoanalytic psychology and, consequently, in psychohistorical studies. My task here is not to say anything further about the concept itself – my use of it will be in generalised and unrigorous terms – but to extend its use in psychohistory from its normal attachment to personal, ethnic, religious, and national contexts to the global.
In an effort towards developing a normative theory of federalism, this paper offers a critical assessment of the work of Will Kymlicka and Ferran Requejo in order to show the progress and failures of liberal nationalist authors on issues raised by the normative dimensions of federalism in Western multinational contexts. More exactly, the paper argues that both authors fail to give a complete theory of federalism because the liberal conception of self-determination as non-interference can only create superficial unity and contingent trust, especially in multinational contexts, where non-interference is to regulate relations between particular identities and conceptions of citizenship. Drawing on this critical assessment of liberal nationalism, I argue that the neo-republican ideal of non-domination, as developed by Philip Pettit (1997, 2012), provides us not only with the adequate normative heuristics to assess national rights of self-determination, but also international relations and the institutional conditions needed to create binding trust within multinational federal constellations.
A Bikoist Challenge to Professor Xolela Mangcu
. He uses Biko’s philosophy of Black Consciousness to build his argument, particularly as it pertains to his point that this race-transcendent kind of national consciousness can transcend race while preserving black identity. He describes this joint
Some Senses of Pan-Africanism from the South
, Sesanti objects that cultural unity is amply demonstrated by the underlying linguistic identity which runs through all African languages and national life. Links in African languages reflect the reality that all Africans are cultural brothers and sisters
Populism as the Ideological Embodiment of the Democratic Paradox
Anthony Lawrence Borja
leader is the democratic paradox as a set of fundamental questions on the nature of popular identity and the realisation of popular sovereignty. These questions, however, are essentially irresolvable, unless they are abandoned along with democratic
On Democracy and Its Other
Marta Nunes da Costa
eradication of the other who is different, but also in its positive aspect as a demand for the recovery of the national sovereignty and national identity of the French ‘people’. The agenda of the Front National regarding foreign politics rests upon
Marta Nunes da Costa
identities antecedent to and necessary for political representation; and, third, that the relevant identities and interests are fixed and thus the main form of identification in representation. (pp.143-144) The problem is that needs and interests have a
A History of Richard Turner’s Eclipse and Resurgence
National Congress (ANC) and its breakaway, the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), seemed a thing of the past, a defeated giant, crushed by the post-Sharpeville political trials and imprisoning of the ANC and PAC leadership. The armed struggle had symbolic
finished with me yet. Althusser in Johannesburg In July 1974 I left my job as the National Union of South African Students’ (NUSAS) Wages Commission Coordinator, left Bellair, and moved to Johannesburg, where, via Turner’s intervention, I took up my first