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Andrei S. Markovits

This is not the place for me to express my boundless admiration for

the scholarship of our dear friend and colleague, Gerald Feldman,

who passed from this world far too early in the fall of 2007. Nor

would I find it appropriate to address my personal friendship with

Gerry in these pages. I have done both elsewhere and—most important

to me—privately to Gerry's widow, Norma. Nevertheless, I do

find it more than appropriate to mention Gerry's involvement with

German Politics and Society. I was deeply moved and much honored

by Jeff Anderson's request to do so.

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Ruth Hatlapa and Andrei S. Markovits

There is no question that with Barack Obama the United States has a rock star as president who—behooving rock stars—is adored and admired the world over. His being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize nary a year after being elected president and barely ten months into his holding the office, testified to his global popularity rather than his actual accomplishments, which may well turn out to be unique and formidable. And it is equally evident that few—if any—American presidents were more reviled, disdained and distrusted all across the globe than George W. Bush, Obama's immediate predecessor. Indeed, the contrast between the hatred for the former and the admiration for the latter might lead to the impression that the negative attitudes towards America and Americans that was so prevalent during the Bush years have miraculously morphed into a lovefest towards the United States on the part of the global public. This paper—concentrating solely on the German case but representing a larger research project encompassing much of Western Europe—argues that love for Obama and disdain for America are not only perfectly compatible but that, in fact, the two are merely different empirical manifestations of a conceptually singular view of America. Far from being mutually exclusive, these two strains are highly congruent, indeed complementary and symbiotic with each other.

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Ruth Hatlapa and Andrei S. Markovits

We very much appreciate Stefan Immerfall’s insightful criticism of our

recent contribution to German Politics and Society. Needless to say, we beg

to differ with his views and strongly disagree with his assessment of our

work. For brevity’s sake we will only engage a few points.

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Andrei S. Markovits and Joseph Klaver

The Greens' impact on German politics and public life has been enormous and massively disproportional to the size of their electoral support and political presence in the country's legislative and executive bodies on the federal, state, and local levels. After substantiating the Greens' proliferating presence on all levels of German politics with numbers; the article focuses on demonstrating how the Greens' key values of ecology, peace and pacifism, feminism and women's rights, and grass roots democracy—the signifiers of their very identity—have come to shape the existence of all other German parties bar none. If imitation is one of the most defining characteristics of success, the Greens can be immensely proud of their tally over the past thirty plus years.