Mexican villagers endured three decades of dispossession during the late nineteenth-century dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1880, 1884–1911). The transfer of most lands held by communities known as pueblos led many rural people to join the Mexican revolution of 1910–1917, and it helped to structure the postrevolutionary politics. Using E. P. Thompson's concept of “community,” this article suggests that villagers' sense of solidarity formed by their shared lives within the pueblos, and leavened by collective experiences during the Díaz dictatorship and revolution, helped them to forge a new identity as campesinos with an inherent right to land reform during the postrevolutionary era. A core component of campesino identity was opposition to hacienda owners. This opposition set up a struggle over land during the 1920s and 1930s that led some landowners to “weaponize nature” by destroying natural resources such as forests rather than turning it over to villagers through the land reform.
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The Ecology of Class
Revolution, Weaponized Nature, and the Making of Campesino Consciousness
Christopher R. Boyer
Lauren Marx
in poverty and landlessness despite so-called freedoms and attempts to redress these issues through transformation. Post-apartheid land reform has been slow and characterised by unaccountable institutions and marred by failures ( Pallotti and Engel
‘Failed Feminism’
Anne Tyler's Vinegar Girl in the Chinese Market
Yingjie Duan and Junwu Tian
collective narrative of emancipatory progress. For example, in rural areas, ‘As agriculture was collectivized, larger work groups incorporated women as laborers. Early accounts of land reform, marriage reform, and collectivization emphasized women's active
Constructing Difference and Imperial Strategy
Contrasting Representations of Irish and Zionist Nationalism in British Political Discourse (1917–1922)
Maggy Hary
as Palestine was concerned, the land reforms implemented by the British in the 1930s offer a striking parallel with the policies carried out in Ireland in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Indeed, in the wake of the 1929 Western Wall
Editorial
Some Senses of Pan-Africanism from the South
Christopher Allsobrook
-racialism for lingering racial divisions in South Africa after apartheid, especially regarding education transformation, land reform and race-based injustice. Marx recounts the role Pan-Africanism played in the evolution of Sobukwe’s idea of non-racialism, as he
Patrick Cockburn
a discussion of land reform in post-apartheid South Africa, where, as a legacy of the totalitarian regime, white South Africans own a massively disproportionate amount of land. Here, he argues that the laudably progressive South African constitution
The Weight of Absence
Rick Turner and the End of the Durban Moment
Billy Keniston
the north. Beyond Malema, there are layers and layers of more explosive politics brewing, as the crudest interpretations of land reform and ‘Pan-Africanism’, whisper towards a shrieking genocidal and xenophobic rage, just beyond the horizon. And yet
Gustavo H. Dalaqua
Nucleus, Boal mentions groups of peasants that, sharing a strong idea about land reform, decide to live together in the same area. The second practice Boal proposes to connect representatives and constituents is the CIS. Its main difference in relation