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Policy coherence for development and migration

Analyzing US and EU policies through the lens of normative transformation

Harlan Koff

The European Union’s 2015–2016 “migration/asylum crisis” gave renewed prominence to discussions over the relationship between migration, security and development in global affairs. The EU’s policy responses to these flows have confirmed that even

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Regional and sub-regional effects on development policies

The Benelux and the Nordic countries compared

Lauri Siitonen

mainly in Europe. Nevertheless, the argument could be made that continued mutual cooperation molds small states’ role perceptions and thereby also their foreign policies, including development policies. Indeed, the Nordic countries cooperated in the 1960s

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The Determination of Educational Policy

Shas, Politics, and Religion

Anat Feldman

This article aims to broaden understanding of the intersection of political power and educational policy. Researchers in various fields have analyzed how a state determines its educational policy, which typically follows a value- and principle

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Crisis, Power, and Policymaking in the New Europe

Why Should Anthropologists Care?

Bilge Firat

At a time when European integration faces many crises, the efficacy of public policies decided in Brussels, and in member state capitals, for managing the everyday lives of average Europeans demands scrutiny. Most attuned to how global uncertainties interact with local realities, anthropologists and ethnographers have paid scant attention to public policies that are created by the EU, by member state governments and by local authorities, and to the collective, organised, and individual responses they elicit in this part of the world. Our critical faculties and means to test out established relations between global–local, centre–periphery, macro–micro are crucial to see how far the EU's normative power and European integration as a governance model permeates peoples' and states' lives in Europe, broadly defined. Identifying the strengths and shortcomings in the literature, this review essay scrutinises anthropological scholarship on culture, power and policy in a post-Foucaultian Europe.

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The New Economic Policy of 1962

How Israeli Economists Almost Changed the Israeli Economy

Ronen Mandelkern

In February 1962, the Israeli government adopted the New Economic Policy, a program for comprehensive economic liberalization reform, which is most remembered for the dramatic devaluation of the Israeli pound that it included. While the Israeli

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Akulina Mestnikova

Translator : Jenanne K. Ferguson

responsibility for the preservation of native languages is realized. In other words, it examines the civil initiatives of indigenous peoples of Yakutia in the field of language policy. Issues of the revival, preservation, and development of native languages have

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Sandra Häbel

English abstract: The European Union (EU) is often understood as a normative power. However, based on a case study of European policy networks in Vietnam, this article shows that despite the EU’s commitment to norms and transformative development, norms are not a priority in the implementation of development policies. Rather, norm promotion is delegated to political and diplomatic representatives, whereas development and trade representatives are responsible for technical work. Consequently, policy networks created around these four sectors tend to operate separately from each other, undermining the spillover of norms from diplomatic and political networks to development and trade networks. As a result, this article shows that the structural–institutional separation of sectoral policy networks is one of the EU’s systemic characteristics that restrict normative policy coherence for development.

Spanish abstract: La Unión Europea (UE) es considerada un poder normativo, comprometida con las normas y el desarrollo transformativo. En cambio, usando un caso de estudio de redes europeas políticas en Vietnam, este artículo demuestra que las normas no son prioridad en la implementación de políticas de desarrollo. Al contrario, la promoción de normas se delega a representantes políticos y diplomáticos, mientras que los representantes del desarrollo y comercio se hacen cargo del trabajo técnico. Consecuentemente las redes políticas de estos cuatro sectores tienden a aislarse, dificultando la transferencia de las normas de redes políticas y diplomáticas a redes de desarrollo y comercio. El resultado demuestra que la separación estructuro–institucional de las redes políticas sectoriales es una de las características sistémicas de la UE que restringen la coherencia normativa de políticas para el desarrollo.

French abstract: L’Union européenne est souvent considérée comme une puissance normative. Cependant, sur la base d’une étude de cas de réseaux de politiques publiques au Vietnam, cet article montre que, malgré son engagement normatif et de développement réformateur, les normes ne sont pas une priorité dans la mise en oeuvre des politiques de développement. Au contraire, leur promotion est déléguée aux représentants politiques et diplomatiques, tandis que les représentants du développement et du commerce sont responsables des travaux techniques. Par conséquent, les réseaux politiques créés autour de ces quatre secteurs ont tendance à fonctionner séparément les uns des autres, ce qui compromet le transfert des normes des réseaux diplomatiques et politiques aux réseaux de développement et du commerce. Ainsi, cet article montre que la séparation structuro-institutionnelle des réseaux sectoriels de politiques publiques est l’une des caractéristiques systémiques de l’UE qui restreint leur cohérence normative en matière de développement.

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Regions, borders, and social policy

The limits of welfare in regional cohesion debates

Harlan Koff and Carmen Maganda

This first issue of Volume Four of Regions & Cohesion continues a trend of articles that gained momentum in Volume Three, focusing on the territorial aspects of welfare in social cohesion debates. The Summer 2013 issue of the journal presented a collection of articles that specifically discussed the role of borders and border policies in social cohesion politics. Although this collection was not intended to be presented as a thematically specific issue, the simultaneous arrival of these pieces highlighted the importance of borders in defining the territorial limits of cohesion and the ensuing renegotiation of these limits in political debates. For example, the article by Irina S. Burlacu and Cathal O’Donoghue focused on the impacts of the European Union’s social security coordination policy on the welfare of cross-border workers in Belgium and Luxembourg. The article illustrated the limits of this regional policy as cross-border workers do not receive equal treatment compared to domestic workers in the country of employment. Similarly, an article by Franz Clément in the same issue analyzed the “socio-political representation” of cross-border workers and discusses how such workers can mobilize for socioeconomic rights in institutions aimed at worker protection (such as professional associations, trade unions, etc.). Both articles show that despite formal regionalization of legislation concerning social rights and representation, national boundaries clearly present challenges to cross-border workers who have difficulty negotiating rights in both their country of employment and country of residence.

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Ecosystem integrity and policy coherence for development

Tools aimed at achieving balance as the basis for transformative development

Harlan Koff, Miguel Equihua Zamora, Carmen Maganda and Octavio Pérez-Maqueo

political consciousness. Nonetheless, in policy terms, their impacts have been limited. For this reason, this article contends that new paradigms and metrics should be proposed on which to base our global, national and local development debates. It proposes

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James Walston

In February 2007, after less than a year in office, Prime Minister

Romano Prodi offered his resignation to the president of the Republic,

Giorgio Napolitano, after his government lost a vote in the Senate.

The motion outlined Italy’s foreign policy in fairly broad terms and

would not have been critical if the opposition, the radical left, and

Foreign Minister Massimo D’Alema himself had not made it into a test

for the whole government. On the morning of the vote, D’Alema had

said, “If we don’t have a majority, then it’s time to call it a day.” As it

turned out, 158 senators voted in favor of the motion and 136 against,

with 24 abstention. Since the rules of the Senate count abstentions as

“no’s,” the motion failed, and Prodi tendered his resignation.